Posts tagged ‘teachers’

Sunday, February 3, 2019

Xi Jinping’s Beijing-Tianjin-Xiong’an Inspection Tour in the January 18/19 News

The following is a translation of a report on an inspection tour by Chinese party and state leader Xi Jinping, broadcast on January 18 and 19, on CCTV and CPBS. There were extensive takes of Xi speaking himself, which were turned into more reader-friendly lines in CCTV’s report script (as translated here). Errors in translation likely. Links within blockquotes added during translation. Sub-headlines also added during translation.

Anchor: The General Secretary of the CCP, State Chairman, and Central Military Commission Chairman Xi Jinping has conducted an inspection of Jingjinji, chaired a Jingjinji symposium, and given an important speech. He emphasized that the understanding of and the work on Jingjinji joint development needed to be done from a high degree of comprehensive and long-term consideration, to strengthen awareness, activity and creativity in the administration of joint development, to maintain historical patience and strategic determination, to move steadily and with courage to assume responsibility, to innovate, work well, and to promote Jingjinji joint development’s progress with growing vigor.

央视网消息(新闻联播):中共中央总书记、国家主席、中央军委主席习近平近日在京津冀考察,主持召开京津冀协同发展座谈会并发表重要讲话。他强调,要从全局的高度和更长远的考虑来认识和做好京津冀协同发展工作,增强协同发展的自觉性、主动性、创造性,保持历史耐心和战略定力,稳扎稳打,勇于担当,敢于创新,善作善成,下更大气力推动京津冀协同发展取得新的更大进展。

Member of the politburo’s standing committee and deputy chief state councillor Han Zheng accompanied the inspection of Xiong’an New Area in Hebei and Beijing, and attended the symposium.

中共中央政治局常委、国务院副总理韩正陪同考察河北雄安新区和北京市并出席座谈会。

Service-shaped Government, Braving the Weather

Reporter: North China’s depth of winter, cold wind and dripping water turning into ice. From January 16 to January 18, Xi Jinping made a thorough tour of  Hebei Xiong’an New Area, Tianjin, and Beijing, to learn about the situation of Jingjinji’s joint development on the ground. He was accompanied by Hebei party secretary Wang Dongfeng and Hebei governor Xu Qin, CCP politburo member and Tianjin party secretary Li Hongzhong and Tianjin mayor Zhang Guoqing, and CCP politburo member and Beijing party secretary Cai Qi and Beijing mayor Chen Jining respectively [depending on the area visited].

隆冬时节的华北大地,寒气袭人,滴水成冰。1月16日至18日,习近平分别在河北省委书记王东峰和省长许勤,中共中央政治局委员、天津市委书记李鸿忠和市长张国清,中共中央政治局委员、北京市委书记蔡奇和市长陈吉宁陪同下,深入河北雄安新区、天津、北京,实地了解京津冀协同发展情况。

In the morning of January 16, Xi Jinping first came to Hebei Xiong’an New Area’s planning exhibition center, carefully listened to explanations of New Area’s master plan, political system and construction situation, and watched the exhibition of the results of the city design launch and the big projects and main projects that are about to be launched. He emphasized that to build Xiong’an New Area is a millenium project. New Area must first be built as a plan and a building concept, embodying far-sightedness and leadership. The concept of new development needs to be comprehensively implemented, the requirements of high-quality development be maintained, and the new era’s high-quality development’s mark be created with great efforts. Xi Jinping was tele-linked to the Xiong’an railway station construction site by a big screen, and waved greetings to the construction workers. Xi Jinping praised their trailbreaking work and told them to work scientifically, pay attention to safety, to safeguard quality, to keep to deadlines, and he sent them his cordial greetings and best wishes.

16日上午,习近平首先来到河北雄安新区规划展示中心,仔细听取新区总体规划、政策体系及建设情况介绍,察看启动区城市设计征集成果模型和即将启动的重大工程、重点项目展示。他强调,建设雄安新区是千年大计。新区首先就要新在规划、建设的理念上,要体现出前瞻性、引领性。要全面贯彻新发展理念,坚持高质量发展要求,努力创造新时代高质量发展的标杆。习近平通过大屏幕连线京雄城际铁路雄安站建设工地现场,向施工人员挥手致意。习近平称赞他们是雄安新区建设的开路先锋,嘱咐他们科学施工、注意安全、确保质量,按期完成任务,并向他们及全国奋战在一线的劳动者们致以亲切问候和良好祝愿。

Government staff, faithfully listening - click photo for CCTV video

Government staff, faithfully listening – click photo for CCTV video

Investment welcome, provided …

Soon after, Xi Jinping walked to the government service center to look at the service window, to understand the deepening of government institutions reform and the creation of service-shaped government work. Xi Jinping fully affirmed Xiong’an government service center’s carrying out of the “one-seal approval” combined-service method. He pointed out that modern information technology was needed to raise the levels of government services’ connected use of information, improve government services informatization, intelligentification, accuracy, and facilitation, so as to allow the masses to run fewer errands. In the government services central building, Xi Jinping cordially conversed with some of the enterprise representatives present there. He emphasized that the construction of Xiong’an New Area required the participation of a great number of companies. No matter if they were state-owned or private companies, no matter if they were local or Beijing companies, no matter if they were Chinese or foreign-invested companies, we welcome them all as long as they fit into the New Region’s development plan. We hope that many companies will grab this extremely rare historic opportunity and make new splendid achievements.

习近平随后步行来到政务服务中心,察看服务窗口,了解雄安新区深化治理体制机制改革、打造服务型政府工作情况。习近平充分肯定雄安新区政务服务中心推行“一枚印章管到底”全贯通服务的做法。他指出,要运用现代信息技术,推进政务信息联通共用,提高政务服务信息化、智能化、精准化、便利化水平,让群众少跑腿。在政务服务中心大厅,部分进驻企业代表围拢上来,习近平同他们亲切交谈。他强调,建设雄安新区,需要大批企业共同参与。无论是国有企业还是民营企业,无论是本地企业还是北京企业,无论是中国企业还是外资企业,只要符合新区产业发展规划,我们都欢迎。希望广大企业抓住这个千载难逢的历史机遇,创造新的辉煌业绩。

The following paragraph is about the ecology, describing Xi’s visit to a forestation program in Daqinghe. In this context, too, the report emphasizes the importance of “scientific methods” and informatizational tools.

Reporter: […] [Xi Jinping] attentively enquired about the work and income situations of villagers working for the creation and protection of forests, repeatedly urging the active participation of local farmers, to let the farmers benefit from creating and protecting forests.

[…..] 他仔细询问参与造林护林的村民工作和收入情况,叮嘱要吸引当地农民积极参与,让农民从造林护林中长久受益。

Patriotic Education: Individual Selves, Greater Self, Political and Professional Abilities

In the afternoon of January 17, Xi Jinping came to Nankai University in Tianjin for inspection and research. Nankai University was founded in 1919 and is a famous university with a glorious patriotic tradition. Xi Jinping toured the history exhibition, minutely finding out about Nankai University’s historic development, scientific construction, its talented workforce, research, innovation, etc. Xi Jinping pointed out that school is the place of laying down morality and cultivating people. Patriotism is the Chinese nation’s heart and mind, and to cultivate builders and successors of socialism, one needed to cultivate students’ love for their country first. University party organizations needed to take the fundamental function in university administration of party building and ideological political work. Xi Jinping had exchanges with some of the scholars’, experts’ and younger and middle-aged teachers’ representatives. He pointed out that expert teaching staff are a university’s core competitiveness force. Staff with political qualities and mastery and consummate professional abilities had to be built, and teaching staff with a high level of inner qualities for the fundamental work of university building to be educated, with a fast grasp from beginning to end. In the national chemistry critical laboratory, he emphasized the need for first-class university and first-class scientific construction, fundamental research, striving for original and self-reliant innovation with more results, bravely climbing towards the global peak of science and technology. He encouraged teachers and students to blend their concrete goals of learning struggles and the great goal of national rejuvenation together, to integrate their selves into the collective self, determined to make the historic contribution of our generation. Students who had come out of the laboratories and into the square all shouted “Good afternoon, Secretary General”, “Secretary General is working hard”, loudly shouted “Love China, revive China” in chorus, and intoned “I and my China”.*)

17日上午,习近平来到天津南开大学考察调研。南开大学成立于1919年,是一所具有光荣爱国传统的名校。习近平参观了校史展览,详细了解南开大学历史沿革、学科建设、人才队伍、科研创新等情况。习近平指出,学校是立德树人的地方。爱国主义是中华民族的民族心、民族魂,培养社会主义建设者和接班人,首先要培养学生的爱国情怀。高校党组织要把抓好学校党建工作和思想政治工作作为办学治校的基本功。习近平同在现场的部分院士、专家及中青年教师代表进行了交流。他指出,专家型教师队伍是大学的核心竞争力。要把建设政治素质过硬、业务能力精湛、育人水平高超的高素质教师队伍作为大学建设的基础性工作,始终抓紧抓好。在元素有机化学国家重点实验室,他强调,要加快一流大学和一流学科建设,加强基础研究,力争在原始创新和自主创新上出更多成果,勇攀世界科技高峰。他勉励师生们把学习奋斗的具体目标同民族复兴的伟大目标结合起来,把小我融入大我,立志作出我们这一代人的历史贡献。走出实验室,广场上挤满了学生,大家高呼“总书记好”、“总书记辛苦”,齐声高喊“爱我中华、振兴中华”,还唱起《我和我的祖国》。

The following paragraph is about a residential community in Tianjin’s Heping District, with emphasis on services for military retirees, and the work of volunteers in residential communities. According to the report, the community visited by Xi was the birthplace of volunteering in China.

Real Economy

After touching on historic architecture in Tianjin (and its protection), Xi is extensively quoted on the significance of Tianjin Port and on shipping in general, plus some remarks about the real economy:

Reporter: […] Xi Jinping pointed out that the real economy is the foundation of a big country, and the economy must not move into emptiness. the real economy must not be unhanded, the strife be continued unremittingly, and the global peak be reliably reached.

[…..] 习近平指出,实体经济是大国的根基,经济不能脱实向虚。要扭住实体经济不放,继续不懈奋斗,扎扎实实攀登世界高峰。

After leaving Tianjin Port, Xi Jinping came to Tianjin Binhai Zhongguancun Technology Park. At the innovation coordination exhibition center, Xi Jinping attentively watched “Tianhe” supercomputer, Feiteng CPUs, Kylin operating systems, artificial-intelligence robots fitting electrical networks, unmanned vehicles with joint abilities controlling systems, and other products shown. Xi Jinping emphasized that self-reliant innovation is driving high-quality development, the urgent requirement of kinetic energy transformation and its important support. We must create conditions and an atmosphere that mobilize all kinds of enthusiasm for innovation, allow every person with innovative dreams to focus on innovation, and enable all innovative vigor to amply burst forth.

离开天津港,习近平来到天津滨海——中关村科技园。在协同创新展示中心,习近平仔细观看“天河”系列超级计算机、飞腾芯片、麒麟操作系统、人工智能配电网带电作业机器人、无人机集群智能控制系统等产品展示。习近平强调,自主创新是推动高质量发展、动能转换的迫切要求和重要支撑,必须创造条件、营造氛围,调动各方面创新积极性,让每一个有创新梦想的人都能专注创新,让每一份创新活力都能充分迸发。要深化科技园区体制机制创新,优化营商环境,吸引更多在京科技服务资源到园区投资或业务延伸,促进京津两市真正实现优势互补、强强联合。

In the morning of January 18, Xi Jinping went to Beijing sub-center by car, and watched the “City Green Heart” forestation area along the way. At the Municipal Committee Office Building’s main building, Xi Jinping, through a designing model, learned in detail about the major sub-center project and construction. Xi Jinping emphasized that building Beijing City’s sub-center  required to uphold [the principles of] planning in advance and quality first. Buildings and natural landscapes need to be blended into each other, production, life and ecological spaces be arranged scientifically, to shape work, places to live, leisure, traffic, education, medical services etc. as easily accessible organic combinations. There is a need to plan and implement well, to turn the blueprint into a real landscape, making Beijing City sub-center another beautiful business card of this ancient capital.

18日上午,习近平乘车前往北京城市副中心,并沿途察看“城市绿心”植树造林地块。在市委办公楼主楼,习近平通过设计模型和展板,详细了解副中心重大工程项目规划建设情况。习近平强调,建设北京城市副中心要坚持规划先行、质量第一。要把公共建筑与山水自然融为一体,科学布局生产、生活、生态空间,使工作、居住、休闲、交通、教育、医疗等有机衔接、便利快捷。要把规划执行好、落实好,把蓝图变为实景,使北京城市副中心成为这座千年古都又一张靓丽的城市名片。

In the conference room of Beijing Municipal Committee Office Building’s main building, Xi Jinping presided over the Jingjinji Coordinated Development symposium. National Development and Reform Commission director He Lifeng, Beijing party secretary Cai Qi, Tianjin party secretary Li Hongzhong, Hebei Provincial party secretary Wang Dongfeng gave speeches, explaining the work on Jingjinji coordinated development, giving opinions and making suggestions.

在北京市委办公楼主楼会议室,习近平主持召开京津冀协同发展座谈会。国家发展改革委主任何立峰、北京市委书记蔡奇、天津市委书记李鸿忠、河北省委书记王东峰先后发言,就京津冀协同发展介绍工作情况、提出意见建议。

Jingjindi Development and Innovation

Having listened to the speeches, Xi Jinping gave an important speech. He fully affirmed the outstanding results that have been achieved since the Jingjinji development’s strategic implementation. He emphasized that Jingjinji coordinated development is a systems project that can’t be done in a stroke. There was a need to do good long-term strategic preparation. During the past five years, the Jingjinji coordinated development had, overall, been through the stages of planning and reasoning, establishing the foundations, and the search for the breakthroughs. Currently, and during the next period, one would enter the key stage of rolling the stone uphill, climbing up the pits, assaulting fortified positions to overcome difficulties, with the need to exert even greater energy to carry the work forward.

听取大家发言后,习近平发表了重要讲话。他充分肯定京津冀协同发展战略实施以来取得的显著成效。他强调,京津冀协同发展是一个系统工程,不可能一蹴而就,要做好长期作战的思想准备。过去的5年,京津冀协同发展总体上处于谋思路、打基础、寻突破的阶段,当前和今后一个时期进入到滚石上山、爬坡过坎、攻坚克难的关键阶段,需要下更大气力推进工作。

Xi Jinping made six demands concerning the promotion of Jingjinji joint development. The first is to grab the oxen by the nose and to keep at it, actively, dependably and orderly easing Beijing’s non-capital functions. Greater attention must be paid to methodology, strict control of increments and mitigating reserves be joint together, internal functional reorganization and externally-directed mitigation shifts be carried out bidirectionally, dependably and orderly promoting implementation. The market system’s role must be developed, marketization and rule by law be adopted, purposeful guiding policies be defined, to take shape as a joint force with Xiong’an New Area and Beijing city sub-center. Based on Beijing’s “four centers” functions, the capitals’s functions must continuously be optimized. Secondly, historical patience and strategic determination and high-quality, high-standards promotion of Xiong’an New Area’s planning and construction must be maintained. Design and results must be fully absorbed into controlled and detailed planning, the solemn and restrained character of planning be maintained, and laws and regulations be used to guarantee a roadmap that is carried out all the way. A number of distinguishing projects that mitigate Beijing’s capital functions must be undertaken, and construction of a number of major traffic and communications, water conservancy, public service and other major underlying supporting facilities must be started, to let members of society of all walks of life and the common people in the new areas see the changes. Ranks of cadres with political mastery, professional mastery, that work hard and a groundbreaking and innovative spirit must be formed, the formation of party style and honest politics be strengthened, and a good environment with clean winds and a positive atmosphere be built. Thirdly, by turning Beijing’s city-level offices relocations into an opportunity, plans and construction of Beijing’s city sub-center must be promoted at high quality. All kinds of situations that may be encountered during the relocation process must be given sufficient consideration, and political measures that are purposeful and operable must be researched and launched, to settle the worries of cadres and staff. Major basic infrastructure construction that allocates education, medical services, cultural and other public service functions must be accelerated, to improve the sub-center’s carrying capacity and attractiveness. The “Old-City reorganization” in Beijing’s city center must be promoted, spatial planning and economic structuring of Beijing be optimized, and Beijing’s administrative efficiency and role for the central authorities’ government affairs and services be upgraded. Fourthly, there is a need for propulsion towards reform and innovation, an original driving role to be played in high-quality development. High-end innovative resources need to be gathered and used, major scientific and technological projects’ cooperation actively be launched, and the main sources for our country’s self-reliant innovation and original innovation  be created. Market integration based on the promotion of key factors like passenger transportation, logistics, flows of information etc. is necessary. Administrative barriers and institutional obstacles that restrain joint development must be eliminated, and systemic guarantees for the promotion of joint and high-quality development be built. Fifthly, the concept of green water and green hills being mountains of gold and silver must be adhered to, and the joint establishment, protection and management of ecological environments be strengthened. Supply of clean energy must be increased, energy consumption structures be adjusted, the ecological construction of the Jingjinji region unremittingly pursued, the formation of the energy-saving and environment-protective spacial structure, industrial structures, production methods and ways of life be accelerated. Sixthly, maintaining [the principles of] the people at the center and promoting the jointly built and jointly shared basic public services. Efforts need to be made to solve the hot problems that common people are concerned about, and that touch upon their vital interests, optimizing the arrangements of education and health resources. Adherence to work in Hebei’s poor areas to lift them out of poverty must be promoted by ever intensifying degrees, bringing into play Beijing’s and Tianjin’s suitable supporting mechanisms, to guarantee that in 2020, impoverished counties in Jingjinji will be completely cleared. Priority for employment must be upheld, and the story of the common peoples’ employment be well written.

习近平对推动京津冀协同发展提出了6个方面的要求。第一,紧紧抓住“牛鼻子”不放松,积极稳妥有序疏解北京非首都功能。要更加讲究方式方法,坚持严控增量和疏解存量相结合,内部功能重组和向外疏解转移双向发力,稳妥有序推进实施。要发挥市场机制作用,采取市场化、法治化手段,制定有针对性的引导政策,同雄安新区、北京城市副中心形成合力。要立足北京“四个中心”功能定位,不断优化提升首都核心功能。第二,保持历史耐心和战略定力,高质量高标准推动雄安新区规划建设。要把设计成果充分吸收体现到控制性详细规划中,保持规划的严肃性和约束性,用法律法规确保一张蓝图干到底。要打造一批承接北京非首都功能疏解的标志性工程项目,新开工建设一批交通、水利、公共服务等重大基础配套设施,让社会各界和新区百姓看到变化。要建设一支政治过硬、专业过硬、能吃苦、富有开拓创新精神的干部队伍,加强党风廉政建设,营造风清气正的良好环境。第三,以北京市级机关搬迁为契机,高质量推动北京城市副中心规划建设。要充分考虑搬迁过程中可能遇到的各种情况,研究出台具有针对性和可操作性的政策举措,解决干部职工的后顾之忧。要加快重大基础设施建设,配置教育、医疗、文化等公共服务功能,提高副中心的承载力和吸引力。要推进北京中心城区“老城重组”,优化北京空间布局和经济结构,提升北京市行政管理效率和为中央政务服务的职能。第四,向改革创新要动力,发挥引领高质量发展的重要动力源作用。要集聚和利用高端创新资源,积极开展重大科技项目研发合作,打造我国自主创新的重要源头和原始创新的主要策源地。要立足于推进人流、物流、信息流等要素市场一体化,推动交通一体化。要破除制约协同发展的行政壁垒和体制机制障碍,构建促进协同发展、高质量发展的制度保障。第五,坚持绿水青山就是金山银山的理念,强化生态环境联建联防联治。要增加清洁能源供应,调整能源消费结构,持之以恒推进京津冀地区生态建设,加快形成节约资源和保护环境的空间格局、产业结构、生产方式、生活方式。第六,坚持以人民为中心,促进基本公共服务共建共享。要着力解决百姓关心、涉及切身利益的热点难点问题,优化教育医疗资源布局。要加大力度推进河北省贫困地区脱贫攻坚工作,发挥好京津对口帮扶机制的作用,确保2020年京津冀地区贫困县全部摘帽。要坚持就业优先,做好当地百姓就业这篇文章。

Summary

Han Zheng said that Secretary General Xi Jinping’s important strategic thinking concerning the joint Jingjinji development needed to be thoroughly studied and understood, that this “oxen” of Beijing’s non-capital functions be firmly grasped, held, and solved, to promote new breakthroughs and results of Jingjinji’s joint development. Policies, robust mechanisms needed to be perfected, and the endogenous propulsion of Beijing’s non-capital functions’ resolution be strengthened. High quality and high standards needed to be maintained, and Beijing’s “two wings” be well planned. Infrastructure construction across regions such as rapid transit needed to be done well, and favorable conditions for the mitigation of Beijing’s non-capital functions be created. The people-centered development ideology must be maintained, basic public services be made uniform, and the people’s masses’ sense of achievement continuously be strengthened.

韩正表示,要深入学习领会习近平总书记关于京津冀协同发展的重要战略思想,牢牢扭住疏解北京非首都功能这个“牛鼻子”,推动京津冀协同发展取得新突破新成效。要完善政策、健全机制,增强疏解北京非首都功能的内生动力。要坚持高质量高标准,规划建设好北京新的“两翼”。要抓好跨区域重大轨道交通等基础设施建设,为疏解北京非首都功能创造便利条件。要坚持以人民为中心的发展思想,推进基本公共服务均等化,不断增强人民群众获得感。

After the meeting, Xi Jinping rode an elevator to the first floor hall, where Beijing Municipal Party Committee and municipal government employees gave the Secretary General warm applause. Xi Jinping frequently waved to everyone and passionately said, you are, by practical activity, implementing the party’s central committee’s important strategic decisions, and have made contributions to Jingjinji’s joint development. […]

会议结束后,习近平乘电梯来到一楼大厅,北京市委和市政府的工作人员对总书记报以热烈掌声。习近平向大家频频挥手,动情地说,你们以实际行动贯彻落实党中央重大决策,为疏解北京非首都功能、推动京津冀协同发展作出了贡献。建设北京城市副中心,是北京建城立都以来具有里程碑意义的一件大事,对新时代北京的发展是一个重大机遇。让我们共同努力把这件大事办好。希望大家以新办公区的新气象,在各项工作中实现新的更大作为!离开时,习近平同大家一一握手,掌声经久不息。

Building Beijing sub-center is a great milestone in the history of Beijing’s city construction, and a major opportunity for Beijing’s development in the new era. Let’s work together to manage this big thing well. Let’s hope that in the new atmosphere of the new office building area, even greater achievements will be made in all projects! As he left, Xi Jingping shook hands with everyone, under long-lasting and ceaseless applause.

会议结束后,习近平乘电梯来到一楼大厅,北京市委和市政府的工作人员对总书记报以热烈掌声。习近平向大家频频挥手,动情地说,你们以实际行动贯彻落实党中央重大决策,为疏解北京非首都功能、推动京津冀协同发展作出了贡献。建设北京城市副中心,是北京建城立都以来具有里程碑意义的一件大事,对新时代北京的发展是一个重大机遇。让我们共同努力把这件大事办好。希望大家以新办公区的新气象,在各项工作中实现新的更大作为!离开时,习近平同大家一一握手,掌声经久不息。

Ding Xuexiang, Liu He, Wang Yong, He Lifeng and Xu Kangdi accompanied parts of the inspection tour [depending on the area visited] and attended the symposium, and comrades in charge at related central departments and state organs, and provincial and municipal comrades in charge, took part in the symposium.

丁薛祥、刘鹤、王勇、何立峰和徐匡迪等分别陪同考察或出席座谈会,中央和国家机关有关部门负责同志、有关省市负责同志参加座谈会。

____________

Related

*) This is sort of what it should have sounded like.

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Thursday, December 14, 2017

Obituary: Yu Guanzhong, 1928 – 2017

Taiwanese poet and university teacher Yu Guangzhong (余光中) has died in Kaohsiung  on Thursday. According to Radio Taiwan International (RTI), quoting  a statement by aohsiung Medical University hospital,  Yu had been hospitalized late in November, after a stroke. His condition deteriorated due to heart failure and lung condition pneumonia, according to the statement.

Wikipedia has entries about Yu, in Chinese and in English.  He was born in Nanjing, in 1928.

One of his poems, as published by Singtao Ribao‘s Canadian edition, on Thursday (Wednesday Vancouver local time):

小时候,乡愁是一枚小小的邮票,我在这头,母亲在那头。
During childhood, homesickness was a small postage stamp, with me here and my mother there.

长大后,乡愁是一张窄窄的船票,我在这头,新娘在那头。
After growing up, homesickness was a worn sea passage ticket, with me here and my bride there.

后来啊,乡愁是一方矮矮的坟墓,我在外头,母亲在里头。
Later on, homesickness was a small grave, with me outside and my mother inside.

而现在,乡愁是一湾浅浅的海峡,我在这头,大陆在那头。
But now, homesickness is a strait of shallow waters, with me here and the mainland there.

A book published in 2008 offers  an interpretation.

Sunday, February 15, 2015

Taiwan Newsarticle: European and American Universities refusing Cooperation with Confucius Institutes

The following is a translation of an article published online by Radio Taiwan International (RTI), on January 13 this year. RTI based their article on coverage by United Daily News (聯合報), the Liberty Times (自由時報, sister to the English-language Taipei Times), and Associated Press (AP).

I haven’t checked upon mainland coverage of these issues yet (RTI mentions Huanqiu Shibao, for example), but might do so next week.

As for Astrid Soderbergh Widding, the Stockholm University vice-chancellor quoted by RTI, the South China Morning Post quoted her in January as saying that “establishing institutes that are funded by another nation, within the framework of a university, is rather a questionable practice”.

Links within blockquotes added during translation.

Main Link:
Academic Freedom Threatened, European and American Universities refuse Cooperation with Confucius Institutes

Related Tag:
Confucius Institute

Mainland China’s Huanqiu Shibao reported on January 12 that Stockholm University has announced the termination, by the end of June, of its cooperation with the Confucius Institute in Stockholm – the first Confucius Institute founded in Europe, in 2005. The reason was that given the expansion of bilateral cooperation, this form of co0peration was no longer in step with the times. Before that, two American universities also said that they would not renew their contracts with the Confucius Institutes. These decisions reflect the concerns that the role of Confucius Institutes in the respective countries have caused.

大陸環球時報12日報導,瑞典斯德哥爾摩大學宣布,將在今年6月底關閉於2005年開辦的歐洲地區第一所孔子學院,理由是,隨著雙邊關係的拓展,這項合作已不符合時宜。在此之前,美國也有2所大學表示不再與孔子學院續約。歐美學府的這些決定反映出孔子學院的角色已在相關國家引發關切。

To alleviate doubts, Beijing promotes soft power

◎消除疑慮 北京推軟實力

Supported by its economic power, mainland China’s international political status has risen, Beijing’s rise received high global attention, and it also led to some doubts: to highlight China’s rise as a peaceful one, and to strengthen mainland China’s international influence, Beijing set out from the cultural level to actively promote soft power, and the establishment of Confucius Institutes abroad was what caught most attention among the promotional measures.

在經濟實力的支撐下,中國大陸的國際政治地位水漲船高,北京的崛起受到國際高度重視,也引發了一些疑慮;為了凸顯中國大陸是和平崛起,並強化大陸的國際影響力,北京從文化層面著手,積極推展軟實力,其中最受矚目的就是在境外設立孔子學院。

In November 2004, the first Confucius Institute put up its name plate in Seoul, and since, Confucius Institutes have also been established in countries in Asia, America, Europe, and Africa.

2004年11月,第一座孔子學院在南韓首都首爾掛牌;後來,亞洲、美洲、歐洲、非洲等許多國家也分別設立孔子學院。

By September 2014, 123 countries worldwide cooperated with mainland China, having set up 465 Confucius Institutes and 173 Confucius Classrooms. In America alone, 100 universities took part in such programs.

截至2014年9月,全球已有123個國家與大陸合作,開辦了465所孔子學院和713個孔子課堂,單單美國就有100所大學參與相關計畫。

Confucius Institutes lead in funding

◎主導經費教材 孔子學院惹爭議

The Confucius Institutes are usually set up right within the foreign universities that sign contracts with Beijing, but the [central] government in Beijing provides funding, chooses the staff that teaches abroad, and specifies the teaching material. This has caused quite some controversy.

這些孔子學院通常是直接設立在與北京簽約的外國學府裡,但卻由北京政府提供經費、選派教師並指定教材。此舉引發相當大的爭議。

It is [sometimes] said that Confucius Institutes operating within universities have some influence on the curricula of those schools and could endanger the schools’ integrity. These commentators believe that Confucius Institutes pose a threat to academic freedom.

有評論表示,孔子學院在大學內運作,對這些學校的課程具有一定的影響力,可能危及該校的完整性。批評者認為,孔子學院對學術自由構成威脅。

Stockholm University vice-chancellor Astrid Söderbergh Widding says that when institutions within universities are funded by governments of other countries, the approach does indeed pose problems.

斯德哥爾摩大學副校長維丁(Astrid Soderbergh Widding)就表示,大學內設立的機構是由另一個國家政府提供經費,這種作法的確有問題。

The ways Confucius Institutes operate have also attracted the attention of foreign governments. Indian and Japanese officials have questioned that Confucius Institutes only teach the Chinese language – [suggesting that] they also spread ideological attitued, and deliberately influence countries’ assessments of mainland China.

孔子學院的運作模式也受到外國政府的關注。印度和日本的官員曾經質疑,孔子學院不僅教授中文,也傳輸意識形態,意圖影響各國對中國大陸的評價。

A report published in October 2013 by American think tank “Project 2049 Research Institute” pointed out that while teaching Chinese, Confucius Institutes also inculcate ideological attitudes, thus influencing foreign circles’ judgment of Beijing.

美國華盛頓智庫「2049計畫研究所」就曾於2013年10月公布一份報告指出,孔子學院在教授中文的同時,也在灌輸意識形態,藉此影響外界對北京的評斷。

To promote academic independence, American scholars demand end to cooperation

◎維護學術獨立 美學者促停止合作

Nevertheless, Beijing’s strategy of promoting soft power by the establishment of Confucius Institues in numerous countries worldwide has seen growing resistance in recent years. Besides Stockholm University, universities and schools in America and Canada have terminated or suspended cooperation with Confucius Institutes.

不過,北京在世界許多國家設立孔子學院推廣軟實力的策略近年來遭遇越來越多的阻力。除了近日的斯德哥爾摩大學外,美國和加拿大去年都有大學院校終止或暫緩與孔子學院合作。

When the University of Chicago established a Confucius Institute in 2009, 174 professors of the university jointly opposed. Last year in April, 108 University of Chicago professors jointly demanded that after the cooperation term expire, cooperation with Beijing should be terminated, and the Confucius Institute no longer be allowed on the campus. They believed that the lecturers employed by Beijing had received special training to avoid or neglect politically sensitive topics such as “June 4” or Taiwan. They believed that with Beijing’s control of the lecturers employment and training would earn the University of Chicago’s academic program political  mainland official management and control of political speech and influence on freedom of religion.

芝加哥大學於2009年設立孔子學院時,該校就曾有174位教授聯名反對。去年4月,108位芝加哥大學教授聯名要求校方於合約到期後,終止與北京的合作,不再讓孔子學院進駐校園。他們認為,北京方面聘用的講師都受過特別培訓,在課堂上會規避或忽略例如「六四」及台灣等政治敏感議題;這些教授認為,由北京控制教師的聘用和培訓,將導致芝加哥大學的學術計畫受到大陸官方管控的政治言論及信仰自由所左右。

On September 25 last year, the University of Chicago announced that the five years of cooperation with the Confucius Institute would not be renewed after September 29.

去年9月25日,芝加哥大學宣布,與孔子學院的5年合約於該月29日到期後,不再續約。

Shortly afterwards, on October 1 2014, the Pennsylvania State University announced that they would terminate their five years of cooperation with the Confucius Institute.

緊接著,美國賓夕法尼亞州立大學也於去年10月1日宣布,終止與孔子學院的5年合作關係。

Beijing’s method of transmitting ideology needs to be corrected

◎傳輸意識形態 北京作法待修正

American paper Wall Street Journal wrote that the professors’ dissatisfaction with the Confucius Institutes came from lacking teaching skills and a refusal to accept some negative chapters in Chinese history*).

美國華爾街日報曾說,這些大學對孔子學院的不滿來自於「無法教授技能和拒絕接受一些中國歷史負面內容的篇章」。

In June last year, the American Association of University Professors called for 100 U.S. universities cancel or renegotiate their contracts with the Confucius Institutes, because the Confucius Institutes were propaganda branches of mainland Chinese, particularly dissimenating the mainland authorities ideological attitudes, in violation of academic freedom.

去年6月,美國大學教授協會呼籲美國的100所大學,取消或重啟與北京的孔子學院談判協議,因認為孔子學院是大陸當局的宣傳分支,主要在傳播大陸當局的意識形態,此舉違反學術自由。

Even earlier, in June 2013, the Canadian Association of University Teachers called on Canada’s universities and schools to terminate relations with the Confucius Institute, because allowing governments of totalitarian states to guide curricula content, teaching material and the topics in classroom dialogue would harm the integrity of all universities.

加拿大大學教師協會則早在2013年6月即已呼籲加拿大的大學院校與孔子學院斷絕關係,理由是如果允許極權國家的政府機構主導課程內容、教材及課堂上的討論話題,將損及各大學的誠信。

The University of Manitoba, and the Toronto District School Board refused or suspended the establishment of Confucius Institutes last year, their main concern being that Confucius Institutes could interfere with academic freedom at the schools.

加拿大曼尼托巴大學(University of Manitoba)和多倫多教育局已於去年先後拒絕或暫停設立孔子學院,主要的顧慮就是孔子學院會干涉學校的學術自由。

But is the gradual termination of cooperation with Confucius Institutes by European and American countries purely based on concern about academic freedom, or does it represent an outbreak of fear of mainland China? Future developments will be worth continued observation.

然而,歐美國家紛紛停止與孔子學院的合作,純粹只是對學術自由發展感到憂慮,還是代表歐美國家對大陸的另一種恐中發作?後續發展還值得繼續觀察。

____________

Note

*) If RTI referred to this WSJ blogpost, hiring practice rather than lacking skills were the source of dissatisfaction: the institutes’ hiring practices and refusal to acknowledge unflattering chapters of Chinese history.

____________

Related

» Unobtrusive and Imperceptible Moral Influence, Jan 7, 2012

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Friday, February 13, 2015

On the Summits of Science: Legal Construction and Recent History

“I want to be damned if I know now what I meant when I wrote that” – that’s how a German author, Arno Schmidt, once quoted an imaginary writer, confronted with his productions of several decades ago.

I’m only translating an article – but I want to be damned if I know now what this is actually about. Anyway – I feel that someone has to do this translation.

Here goes.

A Xinhua commentary earlier thims month looked back to the 18th CCP Central Committee’s plenary session – the one that focused on rule of law under CCP leadership -, and repeats an old leitmotif: the unity of theory and practice. The Xinhua commentator/editor, Ding Feng (丁峰), puts it this way:

Just as a nation must stand on the summits of science, it must never, not even for a moment, be separated from theoretical thought. To succeed in a great cause, it must never, not even for a moment, be separated from the guidance by scientific theory. Theory comes from practice, and on the other hand, it guides practice. In the circles of practice, knowledge, more practice and knowledge again, practice deepens continously, theory improves with each passing day, and the promotion of the cause develops steadily.

正如“一个民族要想站在科学的高峰,就一刻也不能离开理论思维”,成就一项伟大事业,一刻也不能离开科学理论指导。理论来自实践,反过来又指导实践。在实践、认识、再实践、再认识的循环往复中,实践不断深入,理论日臻完善,推动事业不断发展。

As an important part of the great  cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics, legal construction is part of the foundations of institution building. The party’s 18th central committee’s fourth plenum issued a comprehensive strategic policy [or decision] on the promotion of government by law (依法治国), the general goal of which is to build a legal system of socialism with Chinese characteristics, to build a socialist country ruled by law. The goal decided that socialism with Chinese characteristics rule of law is Chinese rule of law, and its significant function is to provide a powerful guarantee for the cause of of socialism with Chinese characteristics. The fundamental task of rule by law stipulates that legal theory must closely center around this core of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and ponder and answer to the major theories and practical questions of legal construction, so as to comprehensively provide a compass of thought and theoretical guidance for the comprehensive promotion of rule by law. Secretary-general Xi Jinping emphasized that “the theory of socialism-with-Chinese-characteristics rule by law is essentially the theoretical result of the theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics”, deeply promulgating the source of Chinese theory of rule by law and political attributes. It specifies the direction in which to promote the development of our country’s theory of rule by law.

作为中国特色社会主义事业的重要组成,法治建设居于制度建设的基础性地位。党的十八届四中全会作出全面推进依法治国战略决策,总目标就是建设中国特色社会 主义法治体系,建设社会主义法治国家。目标决定了中国的法治是中国特色社会主义法治,其全部意义和作用在于为中国特色社会主义事业提供有力法治保障。法治 根本任务规定了法治理论必须紧紧围绕“中国特色社会主义”这个核心来思考回答法治建设的重大理论、实践问题,为全面推进依法治国提供思想指南和理论指导。 习近平总书记强调“我们要发展的中国特色社会主义法治理论,本质上是中国特色社会主义理论体系在法治问题上的理论成果”,深刻揭示出中国法治理论的思想渊 源和政治属性,为推动我国法治理论发展指明了方向。

Problems are the voice of the times, and theory is the answer to the “voice of the times”. The theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics was formed by opening and reform. [This theoretical system] is the theoretical summary made by the party leaders and the people, in the practice of socialist modernization. It is the current CCP members’ theoretical innovation, combining Marxism with our country’s initial stage of socialism. It is the latest theoretical fruit of the sinicization of Marxism. Under the correct guidance of this theoretical system, reform and opening achieved brilliant successes that attracted worldwide attention, highlighting the great power of this theory, and established our high degree of theoretical confidence.

问题是时代的声音,理论则是对“时代之声”的思考回应。中国特色社会主义理论体系形成于改革开放,是党领导人民进行社会主义现代化实践的理论总结,是当代 中国共产党人把马克思主义原理同社会主义初级阶段基本国情相结合的理论创新,是马克思主义中国化的最新理论成果。在这一理论体系的正确指导下,改革开放取 得举世瞩目的辉煌成就,凸显出这个理论的强大威力,树立起我们高度的理论自信。

Ever since [the policies of] reform and opening, from the third plenum of the 11th central committee‘s promulgation of building comprehensive socialist democracy and the strengthening of a socialist legal system, to the 15th national party congress‘ establishment of a basic plan for a country ruled by law, and the 16th national party congress‘ proposal for socialist-democracy politics most fundamental organic unity of maintaining the leadership of the party, the people’s self-determination (当家作主), the 17th national party congress‘ proposal to accelerate the strategic plan of a socialist country ruled by law, the 18th national party congress‘ clearly pointing out that rule by law is the fundamental way of governing the country, the 18th central committee’s fourth plenum issuing the decision and plan for the comprehensive promotion of government by law, our party has continuously deepened humankind’s knowledge of theoretical thought on government by law, practical exploration and the major successes achieved, reflecting, from an important aspect, the milestone to which socialism with Chinese characteristics theory has developed so far, marking the continuous deepening of our party’s knowledge about the party’s pattern of holding power, about the pattern of building socialism, and about the pattern of human development. […]

改革开放以来,从党的十一届三中全会提出健全社会主义民主和加强社会主义法制的目标,到党的十五大确立依法治国基本方略,十六大提出发展社会主义民主政治 最根本的是要把坚持党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国有机统一起来,十七大作出加快建设社会主义法治国家新的战略部署,十八大明确提出法治是治国理政的基 本方式,十八届四中全会作出全面推进依法治国决策部署,我们党对依法治国的理论思考、实践探索以及所取得的重大成就,从一个重要方面反映出中国特色社会主 义理论从形成到发展的历程,标志着我们党对党的执政规律、社会主义建设规律、人类社会发展规律的认识不断深化。[…..]

[…..]

China Copyright and Media, on January 24, provided background to the CCP’s current endeavors to rectify higher education. The Copyright and Media post also summarizes a speech by Xi Jinping on a study session of the politburo, in the afternoon of January 23. An academic, Professor Sun Zhengyu (孙正聿) from the Center for Fundamentals of Philosophy at Jilin University, reportedly also spoke at the study session.

Meantime, the English-language “Global Times” quotes a report by Liaoning Daily from November last year: it

said that many college teachers mocked Marxism, praised Western values and questioned the central government’s major policies. The report said that 80 percent of college students have encountered such teachers. The report which asked teachers to “treat China in a nicer way” has become a hit on the Internet.

____________

Related

» Re-ideologizing, ChinaChange, Feb 10, 2015
» Neither law nor order, Apr 24, 2011

Saturday, February 7, 2015

CCP Influence on Education in Free Societies is a Problem – but it’s not the Main Challenge

Shoe Me Quick

Kiss Me Quick (while we still have this feeling)

Yaxue Cao of ChinaChange.org links to questions asked by U.S. Congressman Chris Smith:

Is American education for sale? And, if so, are U.S. colleges and universities undermining the principle of academic freedom and, in the process, their own credibility in exchange for China’s education dollars?

These are important questions, asked in New York University’s (NYU) cooperation with the East China Normal University (ECNU) in Shanghai. And Chris Smith, writes Cao, did not know the answer when he delivered his statement on Thursday.

There are people who think they do know the answer. Jörg-Meinhard Rudolph, a sinologist from south-western Germany, for example. In an interview with German national radio Deutschlandradio he said in the context of German universities cooperating with Confucius Institutes that

The [censoring] scissors are at work in the heads of these people. They know exactly that, if they are sinologists, for example, having cooperations or research, field research in China, they can’t do it the way Chinese, for example, can do it here. They have to cooperate with Chinese bodies. In many cases, these, too, are sub-departments of the central committee. And everyone knows what happens if you attend a talk by the Dalai Lama, for example. There are university boards who don’t go there, and they will tell you why: because they fear that their cooperations will suffer. That, in my view, is not in order. This is where you have to safeguard your independence. After all, that’s how universities came into being in Europe, during the 12th century – as independent institutions.

Every country seems to have its share of sinologists who believe – or believed in the past, anyway -, that free trade
with China would be the catalyst for political liberalism. They don’t seem to say that anymore, or maybe nobody quotes them anymore. But that doesn’t change the attitude of those who seem to believe, for whatever reason, that engagement is always better than maintaining a distance.

Cao also tends to believe that she knows the answer. She draws some conclusions that sound logical to me, and besides, she quotes Chinese stakeholders, whose statements suggest that the CCP carried the day at every stage at the ECNU negotiations with the NYU.

In fact, nobody should ever accuse the CCP of making a secret of their intentions. They discuss these intentions and drafts very openly, in the Chinese press. The problem, and here again it is time to quote Rudolph,

[…] is that the big China bestsellers in this country have all been written by people who can’t even read a Chinese newspaper.

The problem with maintaining standards – and I’m all for defining and defending some – is that political corrections come and go in waves. Campaigns, not reflection, shape the debates when it comes to how much cooperation with totalitarianism a free society can stand. When it is about the CCP infringing on freedoms, complaints usually get some media attention, because this fits into the general propaganda. When Chinese or ethnic Chinese people in Germany get censored, they get hardly any attention – it is as if the process were taking place in an anechoic chamber.

Rudolph, the sinologist quoted above, isn’t only a writer, but also a doer. He was the first president of the German Chamber of Commerce in Beijing, in 1997. And he was a “program observer” at the Chinese department of German foreign broadcaster Deutsche Welle, probably from the end of 2009 until 2014, appointed and paid by Deutsche Welle. That practice was never a matter of public debate in Germany, and no transparency either – only one news service cared to write a telling report, which only appeared in a media trade journal. At least four Chinese or Chinese-German journalists lost their contracts, apparently in conflicts over what was deemed “too CCP-friendly”. Rudolph doesn’t look like a champion of free speech to me.

The CCP is indeed unscrupulous. Its power abolishes freedom in China, and its influence endangers freedom where societies are supposed to be “autonomous”. A few weeks after Beijing and its puppet administration in Hong Kong had finished off legitimate democratic demands for universal suffrage from the Hong Kong public, Huanqiu Shibao (“Global Times”), one of the flagships of Chinese state media, warns that opposition against a mainland student running for university office at the University of Hong Kong reflected a dangerous “McCarthyite trend” in the former British colony. On a sidenote. if this conflict occured in Germany, Huanqiu might have tried allegations of Nazism instead.*)

But the CCP isn’t the core problem when it comes to its influence on academic institutions and people. When private enterprise becomes an important source of income for universities, that, too, endangers academic independence. There’s no such thing as a free lunch.

If there were clear standards, procedures and constant verification of their practice in general, and beyond this particular “communist problem”, nobody would have to fear the CCP anyway.

In that way, Beijing actually helps to demonstrate what is wrong with us. If we don’t get this fixed as free societies, don’t blame China. Don’t even blame the CCP.

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Note

*) Recent years have seen a resurgence of Nazi Skinheads in some places in Germany. Attacks on foreigners occur from time to time. The unhealthy trend of racism is also the background to a series of anti-China moves of some German mediaXinhua, in 2008, reacting to the suspension of then DW-Chinese deputy department manager Zhang Danhong.

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Related

» 不该让“麦卡锡”进校门, Huanqiu, Feb 6, 2015
» Hearing transcript, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Febr 4, 2015
» Princelings & Sideshows, March 4, 2011

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Saturday, July 6, 2013

“China is Alright”: a Summer Camp for Overseas Chinese students from Laos

China Radio International‘s Mandarin service renders a newslet by China News Service (中国新闻社), China’s second-largest state-owned newsagency after Xinhua, on the field of public diplomacy.

Original title: Ethnic Chinese Laotians go to Yunnan to experience Chinese culture

CRI Online news: according to China News Service, the “2013 China is alright – the perfect Yunnan summer camp” has started in Kunming, with fourty campers and group leaders from Chinese schools in Laos. It is scheduled to go on for ten days. Apart from developing [an awareness or knowledge of, apparently] Yunnan ethnic culture, knowledge of China, and exchange, the overseas Chinese students will also experience Yunnan province’s local conditions and customs.

国际在线消息:据中新社电,“2013中国文化行—完美云南营”4日在昆明开营,来自老挝华文学校的40名营员和领队将开启为期10天的“中国文化之旅”。除了开展云南民族文化、中华知识学习和交流外,海外华裔学生还将体验云南的风土人情。

With Chinese-Laotian cooperation growing closer and the surging “Chinese language fever” in Laos, more and more ethnic Chinese and Laotians want to understand the Chinese way of life and traditional culture. Luo Bailan, a teacher and group leader with the camp, says that the Chinese schools in Laos are continuously adjusting their educational methods, to allow the students to learn by experience.

随着中老两国合作日益密切,老挝掀起了“汉语热”,越来越多的华裔和老挝人希望了解中国的生活方式与传统文化。老挝领队老师罗白兰表示,老挝的华文学校在不断调整教学方式,让学生们进行体验式教学。

Chinese Language and Culture Education Foundation of China deputy secretary general Li Xianguo says that “China is alright” is an important part of the foundation’s “Young Ethnic Chinese Chinese Culture Heritage Project”.

中国华文教育基金会副秘书长李献国表示,“中国文化行”是中国华文教育基金会“华裔青少年中华文化传承工程”的重要组成部分。

Chinese fever, Kunming

Chinese fever – click pictdure for China News Service coverage

The State Council Information Office (SCIO) is more elaborate, adding that most of the students haven’t been to Yunnan before. Even though it has been rainy for days, and temperatures in the spring city [i. e. Kunming] are a bit low, this hasn’t affected the campers’ high spirits in the least. They are reading the course schedules of the camp reader, excitedly discuss the coming lessons and the tourist attractions. A student tells the SCIO reporter that he is most interested in poetry recital and calligraphy, and in touring the Stone Forest, the birthplace of Ashima:

“We also want to experience the culture of national minorities in the Yunnan Nationalities Village I don’t know a lot about national minorities and hope to experience a lot of interesting things”, Lin Yingcai says in fluent Chinese.

“我最期待看石林的奇山怪石,听说那里是阿诗玛的故乡,我们还要去体验云南民族村的少数民族文化,我对少数民族了解不多,希望能体验很有意思的东西。”林英才用流利的中文说。

Many Laotians and Burmese and Cambodians and North Koreans see China as a promised land, Joshua Kurlantzick wrote in his 2007 book Charm Offensive (p. 137). And America, he warned, had earned itself a bad image in the past, and was still doing so:

For decades, the United States still did not grant Laos normal trading relations, though Laos’s human rights record was no worse than the record of China, with whom America traded vigorously. American sanctions on Laos infuriated Lao officials, who didn’t understand why such a big country like the United Stateswould punish a minnow – especially since during the Vietnam War, America had dropped more bombs on Laos than it dropped on Germany and Japan together during World War II, leaving Laos riddled with unexploded ordnance.

(Kurlantzick, p. 59)

Jiang Zemin visited Laos in November 2000, reportedly the first visit by a Chinese head of state. In November 2006, Jiang’s successor Hu Jintao followed up, and moved China Radio International (CRI) one step ahead of the BBC and the VoA, by pushing a button for a rebroadcasting FM station – the inauguration ceremony was reportedly broadcast live, as the rebroadcaster’s first program ever:

So, Vientiane listeners, for the first time, clearly and vividly heard the the warm voice of state chairman Hu Jintao, a visitor from a friendly neighbor.

万象听众第一次如此清晰真切地听到了来自友好邻邦——中国国家主席亲切的声音:

[…]

A CRI official said that the friendly relations between China and Laos created good conditions for CRI’s operations in Laos. According to the official, the Laotian government’s approval of CRI’s Vientiane frequency was one of only few. Before, the BBC and the VoA had applied for frequencies to the Laotian government, but had received no approval.

中国国际广播电台一位负责人说,中老两国的友好关系为国际电台节目在老挝落地创造了良好的条件。据这位负责人透露,国际电台在老挝调频落地是老挝政府已批准的为数不多的落地项目之一。之前,英国广播公司、美国之音等广播电台,均向老方提出过调频落地申请,但老挝政府未予批准。

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Related

Branding China, May 18, 2008
Meeting the Volunteers, CRI, Nov 21, 2006

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Sunday, May 12, 2013

The Weeks before June 4: Struggling for the Ideological Switch Stands

[Cont. April 23, 1911

Main Link: 1989 年 4 月 24 日 星期日

Li Tieying and Li Ximing both agree with Li Peng that strict measures should be taken against the students’ movement. At 8.30 in the evening, Li Peng goes to see Yang Shangkun to analyse the situation. Yang also sees a changing trend and encourages Li Peng to see Deng Xiaoping. Li Peng asks Yang to join him in a visit to Deng, and Yang agrees. During the evening, as Li Peng reads many papers and adds  comments to them, and a flow of public-security bureau, security, education commission staff etc, concerning trends among the students in all places keeps coming in, by phone and cable.

Science and Technology Daily‘s entering into the forbidden area of coverage receives a great echo, and from the morning on, people call this paper to tell the staff that they had written in fair words. However, vice chief editor Sun Changjiang says that they haven’t done something special, and just acted in accordance with professional ethics, in their effort to carry out their duty as the media. Their [Science and Technology Daily] coverage hadn’t been particularly good; rather, he believes, that of some other papers has been particularly bad. The event is authentic, and their attitude is sincere.

Monday, April 24, 1989

Main Link: 1989 年 4 月 24 日 星期一 (same document)

In the morning, sixty-thousand students from some 38 colleges and universities such as Beijing University, Tsinghua University, People’s University (Renmin University) begin a strike. Some students gather within the universities, conduct sit-ins, demonstrations, put up posters, and others shout slogans like “join the strike quickly”, “no end to the strike without reaching our goals”, and “walk out on lessons and exams, not on learning”.

Some students give lectures on societal issues, put up propaganda sheets, propagate “April 20 massacre”, “crying-and-begging to the non-understanding government” information, and still others take to the streets and lanes, for fund-raising and to call on “all the city’s citizens to become active in strikes”. Students from Beijing University, Tsinghua University and People’s University maintain order, and dissuade students from taking part in lessons. Some university party secretaries point out in reports to the next-upper party level that the current situation, if it lasts, will be absolutely harmful, and that one has to fear that this could take still larger dimensions as May 4 is approaching. They express their hopes that the central committee and the municipal committee issue clear guidelines, policies and instructions to end the strikes as soon as possible.

At 14:40, student committees at Beijing University and other universities hold meetings at the May-4 squares on their campuses, with some eighty percent of students attending. They prepare activities to boycott official May-4 activities and to establish autonomous students unions in Beijing and students unions of national unity all over the country. Some papers report that student delegates from Nankai University,  Nanjing University, Fudan University, Guangzhou University and other universities are also attending. Nearly two-hundred students with red armbands are maintaining order. As several members of students committees publicly push and pull each other on stage in a quarrel twice, more than six-thousand students at the meeting are abuzz. The meeting ends at 16:00 in discord, without having made any decisions. Dozens of foreign reporters have been present and recorded the event. A press conference by the preparatory committee, scheduled for 7 p.m., is subsequently cancelled.

Beijing University posts the “Recommendations to the Preparatory Committee, signed by people from Beijing University” poster, suggesting to redraw the slogans and action principles in order to get public support. The slogans should oppose corruption and bureaucracy, actions should be carried out downtown, at broad daylight, so as to broaden their influence, unified action would be needed between the universities and colleges, preparations be made for a long-term struggle, and extensive contacts be built with people from intellectual and democratic circles.

There is also another poster, under the headline “five points”, about “guaranteeing basic human rights, releasing political criminals, opposing party supremacy, checks and balances by separation of the three powers, defining a democratic constitution” and other political positions.

More than twohundred Beijing University teachers jointly call for maintaining the principles of the thirteen universities to consult the students and to have a dialog with them. A similar call comes from the China University of Political Science and Law [Wu Renhua‘s university]. The Beijing Students Autonomous Federation (aka Capital Autonomous Federation of University Students) calls on every student to send ten letters to compatriots all over the country. Between two- and threehundred students are to be dispatched to fifteen large cities all over the nation, such as Tianjin, Jinan, Shenyang, Changsha, Chengdu, Xi’an, Lanzhou, Shijiazhuang, Zhengzhou, Guangzhou, Taiyuan, Shanghai, Nanjing and Wuhan  to deliver speeches and to make contacts.

A peaceful petition meeting at Tsinghua University started a peaceful demonstration within the campus, at eight in the morning, with about ten thousand students participating. It’s an orderly demonstration with a length reaching two kilometers.

The Tsinghua University Students Council puts forward four principles concerning the students’ strike:

  1. to maintain the reasonable struggle and the peaceful petition
  2. to maintain unity and the power of all that can be united
  3. to adhere to the strike on lessons, not on learning
  4. to make sure that cool heads prevail among the younger students.

Educational departments from all over the country give their reactions to the State Education Commission, expressing their hope that the situation at Beijing’s universities and colleges can be stabilized soon, as it would otherwise be difficult to control the situation at universities outside the capital.

In the evening, Ren Wanding, who was responsible for the “Human Rights Alliance” time of the Xidan Democracy Wall, speaks on Tian An Men Square. He says: “the people are destitute, robbers arise from everywhere, prices are soaring, and the national economy is in crisis. If the four cardinal principles don’t vanish from the constitution, they will keep hanging over the people’s interests.”

Ren Wanding has also been to the universities of Beijing to speak there, but without much response, as the students didn’t understand him, and because they felt that his views were radical. When Chen Xiaoping and I watched him speaking in front of the dormitory of the University of Political Science and Law, there was only a sparse audience. Both Chen and I felt saddened.

In the afternoon, Li Ximing and Chen Xitong report to National People’s Congress chairman Wan Li. Wan Li was Beijing’s vice mayor prior to the cultural revolution. He suggests that the politburo’s standing committee should analyse the situation in the evening, chaired by Li Peng.

[According to this account by Wu Renhua, this meeting was held on the evening of April 24. This source seems to suggest that this happened on April 23.]

The standing committee, chaired by Li Peng, believes that a variety of events are indicating that under the control and instigation of very few people,  a planned, organized anti-party, anti-socialist political struggle is arranged before their eyes. The decision is made to form a group tasked with stopping the unrest, and requires Beijing’s party and government to stabilize the situation quickly, by winning over the majority of the masses and by isolating the minority, and by calming down the unrest. Standing committe member Li Peng, Qiao Shi, Hu Qili, Yao Yilin, as well as  – with no voting rights – Yang Shangkun, Wan Li, central party secretary Rui Xingwen, Yan Mingfu, Wen Jiabao, (not standing) politburo members Tian Jiyun, Li Ximing, Song Ping, Ding Guangen as well as people in charge at the relevant departments are attending the meeting.

In the evening, Li Peng receives a phonecall from Deng Xiaoping‘s secretary Wang Ruilin, inviting Li Peng and Yang Shangkun to his home at ten a.m. next day for discussions.

The World Economic Herald, a weekly from Shanghai, normally scheduled to appear today, has six blocks of content from a memorial forum held in cooperation with the New Observer magazine (新观察) on April 19. The 25 participants spoke highly of Hu Yaobang’s humanness, as a person of democratic open-mindedness [or liberalism – 民主开明], and of deep humanity. Science and Technology Daily vice chief editor Sun Changjiang [see above, entering into the forbidden area of coverage], Guangming Daily‘s reporter Dai Qing, and Yan Jiaqi of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences political science institute state more clearly that Hu Yaobang was forced to resign, and that he died while being treated unfairly. 300,000 copies of the World Economic Herald were printed by Saturday, some of it already at the post offices, while the remainder is stored at the printing house. But when Shanghai’s municipal party committee is informed about some of the content, it orders the postal offices to stop the dispatch of the papers, and seals the remaining copies in the printing house off. In the afternoon, the CCP municipal committee has a meeting with World Economic Herald chief editor Qin Benli in the afternoon, telling him that what is said in the account of the forum is correct, but that, as May 4 comes nearer, they fear that this could stirr the students’ emotions, add to the pressure on the government, and express their hope that the more sensitive content will be removed. The World Economic Herald does not agree with the cuts and revisions.

At the time, the World Economic Review’s Beijing office is the meeting point for democratic and liberal personalities. The office director Zhang Weiguo has strong campaigning skills and is broadly connected. Because of having led the [memorial] forum and for other reasons, he will be arrested after the June-4 crackdown.

To be continued
Continued here »

Saturday, May 11, 2013

The Weeks before June 4, 1989

May 4 is now behind us – the day when official China remembers how the young stood up for a better and stronger nation. June 4 is ahead – the 24th anniversary of the Tian An Men massacre. I will try to continue a rough translation of an account by Wu Renhua, a former China University of Political Science and Law professor, who tweeted his account in 2011.

Translations so far – dates to the right refer to the day of translation, and not to the day in history:

The Weeks before June 4, 1989 April 17, 2012
The Weeks before June 4: Wu Renhua’s Introduction April 18, 2012
The Weeks before June 4 – a Desire to do Better than in 1987 April 19, 2012
The Weeks before June 4 – Towards the Sun April 26, 2012
The Weeks before June 4 – a Trip to North Korea April 28, 2012
The Weeks before June 4 – Asserting Authority April 29, 2012
The Weeks before June 4 – Hu Yaobang’s Funeral April 30, 2012
The Weeks before June 4 – Role Allocations May 5, 2012

I started translating Wu’s story in 2012. I didn’t manage translating all of Wu’s account (not even close), and I won’t achieve a complete translation this time either. But I’ll deliver some more instalments this year, and maybe another batch in 2014.

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Related

» Xi: Open the Skies for the Young, May 5, 2013

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Continued here »

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