Old Folk at the Sun Gate: “China Sincerely Invites Central Asian States into its Development Express Train”

This is a summary of how CCTV’s main evening news “Xinwen Lianbo” presented the Xi’an Summit in its May 19, 19 hours local time, edition. Analysis might follow in another blogpost.

Let’s focus on newsitems #1 and #3.¹⁾

1. Banquet and Show, Thursday, May 18

Chronologically, Xinwen Lianbo’s coverage starts with newsitem #3, giving an account of the welcome banquet in the evening of May 18 in Xi’an, and a silk-road resonating happy-peoples show after that.

In his banquet speech, Xi says that “we sincerely welcome the east-Asian states to get onto China’s development express train” (我们诚挚欢迎中亚国家搭乘中国发展快车).

Newsitem #3 then continues with the First-Ladies’ program of the following day (May 19). Only two central Asian First Ladies are mentioned who joined China’s Peng Liyuan there, Aigul Japarova from Kyrgyzstan and Ziroatkhon Hoshimova (short form: Ziroat Mirziyoyeva) from Uzbekistan.

Tokayev’s arrival, May 18

2. The Summit, Friday, May 19

Newsitem #1 starts with the actual summit.

The five Presidents’ arrivals, “one by one” (中亚五国元首相继抵达, not from the plane, as they have attended the welcome banquet the night before).

Xi Jinping’s keynote speech at the May 19 summit is titled “Joining hands to build a Chinese-Central Asian community of common destiny²⁾, by mutual support, joint development, universal security and friendship of many generations” (携手建设守望相助、共同发展、普遍安全、世代友好的中国－中亚命运共同体).

Back to the actual summit on May 19. Right after a referral to the historic “Silk Road”, a topic that also featured prominently in the post-dinner opera the night before, Xi comes back to his proposal ten years earlier of “jointly establishing a comprehensive revival of the Silk road”. It probably matters that he doesn’t refer to China’s proposal here, but to his, Xi’s, in-person advocacy back in 2013.

He then describes Central Asia he wants to see, or, in his now more modest words, the kind of Central Asia that “the world needs”. That’s
• a stable central Asia, i. e. sovereign and independent states with territorial integrity
• a prosperous central Asia
• a harmonious central Asia and
• a connective central Asia.

“Eight Persistences” (四个坚持)
To establish the envisaged Chinese-Central Asian community of common destiny, Xi sees a need for “four persistences”:
• Persistence in keeping watch and defending one another (守望相助), or, in some more detail, to deepen mutual strategic trust, and supporting one another when it comes to matters of core interests, such as sovereignty, independence, national dignity, and long-term development
• Persistence in joint development and marching in the first line of building the “one-belt-one-road”, in advocacy of global development, in unleashing the traditional potential for cooperation, poverty reduction, green and low-carbon growth, etc.
• Persistence in “universal security” (a term that has already been mentioned in the title of Xi’s speech), advocacy of global security, resolute opposition against “external forces'” interference in regional domestic politics (坚决反对外部势力干涉地区国家内政), so as to build a community that stays far away from conflict and always enjoys peace
• Persistence in friendship of many generations, implementation of the global civilization advocacy, exchange of governance experience, intercivilisational reflection, etc..

Trade, “anti-terrorism” measures and the D Pipeline

Xi’s keynote numerology continues with eight proposals.

Xi Jinping emphasized that this summit had built a new platform for China and central Asia and opened new perspectives for cooperation between China and central Asia. China would like to hold this summit as an opportunity to work closely with all parties, and to plan, build and develop cooperation between China and central Asia well.
习近平强调，这次峰会为中国同中亚合作搭建了新平台，开辟了新前景。中方愿以举办这次峰会为契机，同各方密切配合，将中国－中亚合作规划好、建设好、发展好。

Firstly, we will strengthen the building of mechanisms. China has initiated the establishment of conferences and dialog mechanisms in the fields of industry and investment, agriculture, transportation, emergency management, education and political parties etc., so as to create a broad platform for comprehensive and for all sides beneficial cooperation.
一是加强机制建设。中方倡议成立产业与投资、农业、交通、应急管理、教育、政党等领域会晤和对话机制，为各国开展全方位互利合作搭建广泛平台。

Secondly, we will broaden economic and trade relations. China will launch more initiatives to facilitate trade, to improve bilateral investment agreements, to make full use of the “green channel” for smooth bilateral customs clearance of agricultural products and by-products, hold live-stream get-together activities³⁾ between China and central Asia on the topic of central-Asian products.
二是拓展经贸关系。中方将出台更多贸易便利化举措，升级双边投资协定，实现双方边境口岸农副产品快速通关“绿色通道”全覆盖，举办“聚合中亚云品”主题活动，打造大宗商品交易中心。

Thirdly, deepening connectivity. China will upgrade cross-border transport capacities, support construction of the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route, promote the liberalization of the airfreight market, and develop regional logistical networks. It will strengthen the construction of train-consolidation centers within Trans-Eurasia Logistics, encourage superior businesses to establish overseas warehouses and build comprehensive digital service platforms.
三是深化互联互通。中方将全面提升跨境运输过货量，支持跨里海国际运输走廊建设，推进航空运输市场开放，发展地区物流网络。加强中欧班列集结中心建设，鼓励优势企业在中亚国家建设海外仓，构建综合数字服务平台。

Fourthly, expanding energy cooperation. China has initiated the China-central Asia energy partnership, accelerated the China-central Asia D-pipeline consgtruction, expanded the scale of bilateral oil and gas trade, developed cooperation on the complete energy value chain, and strengthened cooperation in the field of new energy and peaceful use of nucelar energy.
四是扩大能源合作。中方倡议建立中国－中亚能源发展伙伴关系，加快推进中国－中亚天然气管道D线建设，扩大双方油气贸易规模，发展能源全产业链合作，加强新能源与和平利用核能合作。

Five, six and seven are about promoting green energy, improving development capabilities, and dialog between civilizations. Item six may be interesting in terms of Chinese financial support for the central Asian states, partly non-repayable (无偿援助). this seems to spell preferential treatment for central Asia, as China has become known as a rather unforgiving creditor worldwide.

And item eight is mostly about East Turkestan. Obviously, neither that name, nor China’s preferred handle for it, “Xinjiang”, appear here, but that’s what it is mostly about. Cyber security and reconstruction of Afghanistan are also mentioned.

China-style modernization (中国式现代化)

Then Xi describes recent political events in China, and issues an invitation again.

Concluding, Xi Jinping pointed out that the CPC’s 20th National Congress has specified the central tasks of comprehensively building a socialist, modern and strong country, to achieve the second centenary goal, to comprehensively carry forward the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation by means of Chinese-style modernization. We want to strengthen theoretical and practical exchange with central Asian countries about modernization, promote connections of development, and create still more opportunities for cooperation, and joint efforts of our six countries in their modernization processes. Let us work hand in hand, struggle collectively, actively promote common development, common prosperity, and welcome a better future for our six countries together!
习近平最后指出，中国共产党第二十次全国代表大会明确了全面建成社会主义现代化强国、实现第二个百年奋斗目标、以中国式现代化全面推进中华民族伟大复兴的中心任务。我们愿同中亚国家加强现代化理念和实践交流，推进发展战略对接，为合作创造更多机遇，协力推动六国现代化进程。让我们携手并肩，团结奋斗，积极推进共同发展、共同富裕、共同繁荣，共同迎接六国更加美好的明天！

Replies

Then it is the turn of the visiting five.

The five central Asian heads of state, one after another, thanked China for initiating and successfully holding the first China-central Asia summit, and they evaluated the fruitful results of the comprehensive cooperation positively. they said that the central-Asian countries shared a millenium of profound friendship with China, had always helped each other, trusted each other as good neighbors, good friends, and good partners, and the most sincere old friends at the Yang Pass⁴⁾ in China’s West. Currently, China has become a key force in ensuring global security and stability, and the promotion of technological and economic development. Cooperation with China is an important and essential factor for all countries to achieve sustainable development. Further deepening relations with China is in line with the hopes of the five central Asian countries peoples, and each country’s fundamental and long-term interests. The China-Central Asia Summit will provide a new platform for cooperation between the central Asian countries with China and show the way into the new era of the two sides’ relations. All sides welcome and appreciate china’s policy of friendly cooperation with central Asia, wish to continue to give full play to the heads of states’ diplomatically leading strategic roles, make the mechanisms from the summit bigger and stronger, strengthen top-level design and overall planning, deepen central Asian countries’ comprehensive pragmatic cooperation with China, to bring about more benefits for all the peoples of every country, to help with all countries achieving common development and prosperity, and to make contributions to the promotion of regional security and stability.
中亚五国元首先后发言，感谢中方倡议并成功主办首届中国－中亚峰会，积极评价中亚国家同中国全方位合作取得的丰硕成果。他们表示，中亚国家同中国拥有千年友好和深厚情谊，始终是相互支持、相互信赖的好邻居、好朋友、好伙伴，是中国西出阳关最真挚的故人。当前，中国已经成为保障全球安全稳定和促进科技经济发展的关键力量，同中国合作是各国实现可持续发展不可或缺的重要因素，进一步深化中亚五国同中国的关系符合各国人民共同愿望，符合各国根本和长远利益。中国－中亚峰会为中亚国家同中国合作提供了新平台，引领双方关系进入了新时代。各方欢迎并赞赏中国对中亚友好合作政策，愿继续充分发挥元首外交战略引领作用，做大做强中国－中亚峰会机制，加强顶层设计和统筹规划，深化中亚国家同中国全方位务实合作，为各国人民带来更多福祉，助力各国实现共同发展繁荣，并为促进地区安全稳定作出应有贡献。

The five heads of state said that they firmly supported each others’ choices in line with their own countries national conditions and development paths, firmly defended all countries’ sovereignty, independence, security, territorial integrity and other core interests, and firmly opposed interference in other countries’ domestic politics. They rated highly Chairman Xi Jinping’s concept of a community of common destiny of mankind and global security initiative, global development initiative, global civilizations initiative, and said they would conscientiouyly implement the important consensus and results achieved at this summit. By using the opportunity of the “one-belt-one-road” initiative ten years ago, they would strengthen their respective countries’ develop strategies to the joint building of “one belt one road”, promote regional online communications, deepen trade and investment, agricultural, energy, technological, security etc. pragmatic cooperation, strengthen civilizational exchange, jointly react to challenges, achieve cooperation and win-win, and build a still closer chinese-central Asian community.
五国元首表示，坚定支持彼此选择符合本国国情的发展道路，坚定维护各国主权、独立、安全、领土完整等核心利益，坚决反对干涉他国内政。他们高度评价习近平主席提出的构建人类命运共同体理念以及全球安全倡议、全球发展倡议、全球文明倡议，表示将认真落实此次峰会达成的重要共识和成果，以共建“一带一路”倡议提出十周年为契机，加强各自国家发展战略同共建“一带一路”对接，推进地区互联互通，深化贸易投资、农业、能源、科技、安全等领域务实合作，加强人文交流，共同应对挑战，实现合作共赢，构建更加紧密的中国－中亚命运共同体。

Concluding events

Newsitem #1 ends with a note that a “Xi’an Declaration of the China-Central Asia Sumiit” was signed, and that a “List of Outcomes of the China-central Asian Summit” was adopted. The second summit is scheduled for 2025, in Kazakhstan, and a permanent secretariat to be established in China.

The newsitem ends with Xi and the five visiting heads of state “meeting journalists” and their planting of six pomeganate trees.

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Notes

¹⁾  Evening newsitems, May 19

#1	Xi Jinping hosts first Chinese-central Asian summit
#2	Xi Jinping and the five heads of state meet journalists
#3	May 18 banquet, May 19 first-ladies’ program
#4	Short reference to a CCTV editorial on summit
#5	Li Qiang holds regular state-council meeting
#6	Li Qiang meets with President of Kyrgyzstan
#7	Wang Huning meets with delegates from a symposium commemorating the 70th anniversary of founding of the “Islamic Association of China”
#8	Wang Huning meets with President of Kyrgyzstan
#9	Li Xi visits places in Fujian for inspection and research
#10	News in brief

²⁾ also known as “community of shared future”

3)	I wouldn’t have found this translation myself; it’s taken from the official English translation of Xi’s keynote speech, and “live-streaming sales event to further promote Central Asian products” appears to be the translation for ““聚合中亚云品”主题活动” (if it isn’t an earlier or more recent transation)

4)	English: “Sun Gate”, as described here by Wikipedia. The Yangguan or Sun Gate also plays a role in Tang poetry.

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Xu Yuanchong, 1921 – 2021

Documentaries made during a man’s lifetime often do a better job at describing him, than obituaries. Here’s a good film on Xu Yuanchong (许渊冲) – unfortunately only in Chinese.
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“Age of Awakening” Screenplay Writer Long Pingping faces Heroic Death (at least 20 times)

The following is a translation of a report published by (apparently privately-run) Shanghai news portal “Guanchazhe”, aka “Observer”. Links within blockquotes added during translation.

Revolutionary lectures

Main link 1:
page 1

On April 25, the screenwriter of soon-to-be-broadcast “Age of Awakening” and former director of the Party Literature Research Center’s 3rd research department director as well as Tongji University specially appointed professor Long Pingping, and the two young actors Zhang Wanyi and Ma Qiyue who are playing martyr Chen Yannian and martyr Chen Qiaonian, as well as several scores of young Tongji University came to Shanghai Longhua Martyrs’ Cemetery to commemorate and to pay tribute to eternally resting Chen Yannian, Chen Qiaonian, Zhao Shiyan and other revolutionary martyrs, and to learn these martyrs’ saga, and to carry forward the heroic spirit.

4月25日，热播剧《觉醒年代》编剧、原中共中央文献研究室第三编研部主任、同济大学特聘教授龙平平，剧中扮演陈延年烈士、陈乔年烈士的两位青年演员张晚意、马启越，以及数十位同济大学青年学子来到上海龙华烈士陵园，缅怀祭奠长眠于此的陈延年、陈乔年、赵世炎等革命烈士，学习先烈们的英雄事迹、弘扬英烈精神。

Longhua Martyrs’ Cemetery with its green trees full of life is dignified and solemn. The tomb stones of revolutionary martyrs like Chen Yannian and Chen Qiaonian lie quietly in the warm spring sunshine.

龙华烈士陵园树木葱郁、庄重肃穆。陈延年、陈乔年等革命先烈的墓碑静静地躺在春日暖阳中。

The grave-sweeping ceremony begins, everyone stands tall in silence in a tribute to the revolutionary martyrs who saved the Chinese nation from extinction, and gallantly dedicated their lives to the great cause of salvation and survival of the Chinese nation, and the people’s freedom and happiness.

祭扫仪式开始，现场全体人员肃立，向为实现中华民族救亡图存、人民自由幸福的伟大事业而英勇献身的革命先烈们默哀。

Having completed the moment of silence, “Age of Awakening” screenwriter Long Pingping, the two young actors Zhang Wanyi and Ma Qiyue who are playing martyr Chen Yannian and martyr Chen Qiaonian bow one after another and lay flowers, extending their deeply-felt fond memory and sublime respect.

默哀毕，《觉醒年代》编剧龙平平、剧中饰演陈延年、陈乔年的两位青年演员张晚意、马启越依次鞠躬献花，向长眠于此的革命先烈致以深切缅怀和崇高敬意。

After the ceremony, everyone comes to Longhua Martyrs’ Cemetery square for Long Pingping’s vivid party history lesson, reviving the course of the party’s development, giving an account of the two martyrs’ Chen Yannian and Chen Qiaonian heroic feats.

祭扫仪式结束后，大家来到龙华烈士纪念碑广场，龙平平在此给现场的同济青年学子上了一堂生动的党史课，重温党的发展历程，讲述了陈延年、陈乔年两位革命先烈的英雄事迹。

Main link 2:
page 2

In 1927, the KMT reactionaries started the “April-12 counter-revolutionary coup d’état in Shanghai, with rivers of blood from Communists and revolutionaries. In the time of peril, Chen Yannian took the post of Jiangsu and Zhejiang regional party secretary, so as to quickly recover the ravaged party and labor union work by working day and night.

1927年，国民党反动派在上海发动“四·一二”反革命政变，共产党人和革命志士血流成河。危亡之际，陈延年接任中共江浙区委书记，为迅速恢复被摧残的党和工会组织日夜奔忙。

On June 26, Chen Yannian was unfortunately arrested and imprisoned when opening a meeting of the provincial party conference. On July 4, less than ten days after his arrest, Chen Yannian was taken to the Longhua execution ground where he was executed.

6月26日，陈延年在召开省委会议时不幸被捕入狱。7月4日，被捕不到10天，陈延年被押赴龙华刑场行刑。

At the execution, the executioner held high a butcher’s knife and, with intense viciousness, ordered: “kneel down!”

临刑之际，刽子手高举屠刀，恶狠狠地勒令“跪下！”

Chen Yannian held his head high and replied: “Revolutionaries die only while standing and won’t kneel down!”

陈延年昂首回道：“革命者只有站着死，绝不下跪！”

In the end, Chen Yannian died a violent death under the KMT reactionaries’ messy knife, aged 29.

最终，陈延年惨死于国民党反动派乱刀之下，时年29岁。

In 1927, Chen Qiaonian succeeded his elder brother, coming to Shanghai as the Communist Party’s Jiangu and Zhejiang provincial organizational director. He secretly and thoroughly went to factories, places in the countryside, agencies and schools, and contacted comrades to recover and rebuild the party’s grassroot organizations.

1927年冬，陈乔年继承长兄遗志，来到上海，担任中共江苏省委组织部长。他秘密地深入工厂、农村、机关和学校，联络同志，恢复和重建党的基层组织。

On February 16,1928, because of turncoat Tang Ruilin’s betrayal, Chen Qiaonian and other Jiangsu provincial comrades were arrested.

1928年2月16日，由于叛徒唐瑞林出卖，陈乔年等江苏省委机关的负责同志被捕。

After their arrest, Chen Qiaonian’s position was exposed, and he was subjected to all kinds of torture, but didn’t say a word. When he bid farewell to his comrades in prision, Chen Qiaonian said optimistically: “let our offspring, the generations that follow us, enjoy the happiness their forbears who blazed new trails!”

被捕后，陈乔年身份暴露，在狱中受尽种种酷刑，但不发一言。在与狱中同志告别时，陈乔年乐观地说道：“让我们的子孙后代，享受前人披荆斩棘的幸福吧！”

On June 6, 1928, Chen Qiaonian died a martyr’s death, aged 26.

1928年6月6日，陈乔年慷慨就义，年仅26岁。

Talking about the “Age of Awakening” scene where the brothers Chen Yannian and Chen Qiaonian died as martyrs, Long Pingping said that he had seen these fragments for at least twenty times, and every time, he couldn’t stop himself from crying loudly.

谈及《觉醒年代》剧中陈延年陈乔年兄弟两就义的场景，龙平平表示，这个片段自己看了不下20遍，每看一次，就忍不住大哭一次。

He says: These men from 100 years ago are examples for the young people of today. Nobody must forget them. With them as our examples, we must build our country well and fulfill these revolutionary martyrs’ final wishes!”

他说：“100年前的他们，就是今天青年人的楷模和榜样。大家不能忘记他们，要以他们为楷模，把我们这个国家建设好，去实现这些革命烈士的遗愿！”

Long Pingping encouraged today’s young students to continue the martyrs’ fine traditions and fight for the rise of China. He said: “Everyone must surely inherit the martyrs’ spirit, know the importance of truth, display patriotic enthusiasm, and you must contribute your own strengths in our new era of socialism with Chinese characteristics so full of opportunities and vigor.”

龙平平激励当代青年学子要继承先烈的优良传统，为中华之崛起而奋斗。他说道：“大家一定要继承烈士的精神，认识到真理的重要，发挥爱国热情，在我们这样的一个充满着生机和活力的是中国特色社会主义的新时代，贡献出你们自己的力量。”

The students also offered the two martyred heroes hand-painted works jointly signed by young Tongji University representatives, “Socialism will never fail to live up to China” and “A beautiful Era’s Picture Scroll”.

同学们也向两位英烈献上同济青年代表共同签名的“社会主义绝不会辜负中国”和“美好时代画卷”手绘作品，希望以今日之美好生活告慰昨日之牺牲奉献，今后更将继续传承英烈之革命精神，奋进新时代。

After the ceremony and tomb-sweeping activities, makers and staff of “Age of Awakening” came to Guanchazhe Online. Screenplay writer Long Pingping held a lecture titled “‘Age of Awakening’: a rite for the foundations of the great revival.” The two young actors Zhang Wanyi and Ma Qilong also came to the scene and shared the process of thought behind the television play’s production. Guanchazhe Online will bring a detailed report tomorrow.

结束龙华陵园的祭扫活动后，《觉醒年代》主创人员一行来到观察者网。编剧龙平平老师举办了主题为“《觉醒年代》：伟大复兴奠基礼”的讲座，张晚意、马启越两位青年演员也来到现场，和观众分享电视剧创作背后的心路历程。详细报道观察者网将于明日发布。

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Related

The CCP’s 2021 Propaganda Blueprint, China Media Project, April 18, 2021

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Xi Jinping: Commemorating the War, Expanding the Picture

The following is a translation of a People’s Daily article, republished on Enorth (Tianjin) on Saturday morning local time. The article appears to be a combination of an event, and more or less verbatim quotes from a speech by Xi Jinping at the Great Hall of the People on the occasion. There is no clear distinction between what Xi Jinping said, and what is added by the (unnamed) commentator or commentators (人民日報評論員, as stated by another republishing website).

According to Guanchazhe, a magazine and website from Shanghai, the ceremony described underneath took place on Wednesday, with Xi Jinping awarding commemorative medals to Chinese and foreign war veterans or veterans’ family people, and delivering an important speech (发表重要讲话, a conventional term to express appreciation and attention for the words of top leaders). Li Keqiang, Zhang Dejiang, Yu Zhengsheng, Liu Yunshan, Wang Qishan and Zhang Gaoli reportedly attended the event.

Main link: Carry forward the Spirit

Links within blockquotes added during translation — JR

A heroic spirit between Heaven and Earth, inspiring the Ages with Awe

天地英雄气，千秋尚凛然

At the solemn moment of commemorating the 70th anniversary of China’s war of resistance against Japan and the world’s victory over fascism, the motorcade with the veterans of the war of resistance, the martyrs’ sons and daughters,  the former frontline exemplary persons, escorted by guards on motorcycles, first received the reverence of the motherland and the people, on Tian An Men Square. At the Great Hall of the People, State Chairman Xi Jinping awarded veterans, comrades and high-ranking veterans of the war of resistance with the People’s Republic of China’s War-of-Resistance 70-years Commemorative Medal. The whole nation, from the leadership to the masses, cherished the memory of the martyrs in the war of resistance who fought bloody battles, sung the praise of the great war-of-resistance spirit, standing together and expanding towards the great power of the nation’s rejuvenation.

在纪念中国人民抗日战争暨世界反法西斯战争胜利70周年的庄严时刻，天安门广场上，抗战老兵、英烈子女、抗战支前模范的乘车方队在摩托车护卫下最先接受祖国和人民的敬礼；人民大会堂，国家主席习近平向抗战老战士、老同志、抗战将领等颁发中国人民抗日战争胜利70周年纪念章。举国上下，人们缅怀浴血奋战的抗战英烈，讴歌伟大的抗战精神，凝聚起迈向民族复兴的伟大力量。

“A nation that is hopeful cannot be without heroes, and a promising country cannot be without pioneers.” Secretary-general Xi Jinping looked back at the hard and bitter war of resistance against Japan, the unremitting and continuous struggle of the Chinese people ever since the opium wars, and how the Chinese nation moved from the darkness into the light, from humiliation to a position of prosperity and strength, inspiring a people of hundreds of millions to move forward along a road marked with the heroes’ footprints, with the confidence to achieve the Chinese dream.

“一个有希望的民族不能没有英雄，一个有前途的国家不能没有先锋。”习近平总书记回望艰苦卓绝的抗日战争，追溯鸦片战争以后中国人民的不懈抗争和持续奋斗，道出了中华民族从黑暗走向光明、从屈辱走向富强的力量所在，鼓舞起亿万人民沿着英雄足迹前进、实现中国梦的必胜信心。

The people uphold their own heroes, the motherland needs her own heroes. Stilling the hunger only by eating tree bark and cotton batting, Yang Jingyu, as he was told to surrender, sternly replied: “no need to say more, just open fire.” Zhang Zhizhong fought to the last moment, “determined to die for the country and the people, just as the sea isn’t clear and stone won’t rot, there won’t be the slightest change.” The eight-hundred heroes of the Sihang Warehouse, “without instructions or command, rather died than retreated”, The 82 Liu Lao Zhuang Lian soldiers fought to the end, all heroically sacrificing themselves for the country … At the Chinese nation’s most dangerous hour, thousands upon thousands of heroes at the war of resistance casted themselves into death, spilled their blood, in a heroic spirit that conquered mountains and rivers, they lifted the hearts of millions of people to awaken the nation to the resistance against foreign aggression. The deeds of their heros will forever remain in history, and their awe-inspiring righteousness will illuminate the centuries.

人民崇尚自己的英雄，祖国需要自己的英雄。以树皮棉花果腹的杨靖宇面对敌人的劝降，凛然回答：“不必多说，开枪吧。”张自忠战斗到最后一刻，“为国家民族死之决心，海不清，石不烂，决不半点改变”。四行仓库八百壮士“没有命令，死也不退”，新四军“刘老庄连”82名官兵血战到底，全部壮烈殉国……在中华民族最危险的时候，千千万万抗战英雄抛头颅、洒热血，书写了气壮山河的英雄史诗，唤起了万众一心、共御外侮的民族觉醒。他们的英雄事迹永载史册，他们的浩然正气光照千秋。

The heroes come from the people, and the people nurture the heroes. How many mothers, in the fourteen years of the war of resistance, gave their sons to the battlefield, how many common people gave all they had for the country to resist the enemy. This is the ocean of the people’s war which trapped and destroyed the enemy, these are thousands after thousands of heroic sons and daughters who, with their flesh and blood, saved the nation, a Great Wall of defense for the nation’s dignity, and wrote, for a shaken world to read, chapters and pieces of patriotism. “No matter if they directly partipated in the war or if they assisted from the back area, all Chinese people who threw themselves into the war of resistance against Japan are war heroes, they are all national heroes.”

英雄来自人民，人民哺育英雄。十四年抗战，多少母亲送儿上战场，多少百姓毁家纾难御敌寇，是人民战争的汪洋大海陷敌于灭顶之灾，是千千万万的英雄儿女以血肉之躯筑起拯救民族危亡、捍卫民族尊严的钢铁长城，谱写下惊天地、泣鬼神的爱国主义篇章。“无论是正面战场还是敌后战场，无论是直接参战还是后方支援，所有投身中国人民抗日战争中的人们，都是抗战英雄，都是民族英雄。”

To engrave history in our hearts and to cherish the memory of the martyrs is to inherit the great spirit shown by the heroes. In those years, countless heroes in the war of resistance saw the fall and rise of the world, with a sense of duty from patriotic feelings, faced death without fear, with national integry that would rather die than surrender, [the heroes] defied brutal depression, they fought to the end with sublime heroism, they unyieldingly, firmly and indomitably kept their confidence in victory, casting the great spirit of the war of resistance. Today, we advocate the heroes, learn from the heroes, so that we will advance and enrich that spirit, so that we will defend peace on a new historic journey, so that we will unlock the future, and fulfill our countless heroes’ unfinished hopes to revitalize the Chinese nation.

铭记历史、缅怀先烈，为的是传承英雄身上展现的伟大精神。当年，无数抗战英雄以天下兴亡、匹夫有责的爱国情怀，视死如归、宁死不屈的民族气节，不畏强暴、血战到底的英雄气概，百折不挠、坚忍不拔的必胜信念，铸就了伟大的抗战精神。今天，我们崇尚英雄、学习英雄，就是要弘扬这种精神，在新的历史征程上守卫和平、开创未来，实现无数先贤英烈振兴中华的未竟夙愿。

Great times summon great spirit, a sublime cause requires ambitious minds. To recall how the Eighth Army smashed the Japanese army in the Huangtuling battles, when the writer Wei Wei wrote that “on the battlefield, it was clear to see that two different kinds of spirits measured their strengths against each other. One was the Japanese ‘warrior’s way’ spirit; the other was the Red Army’s revolutionary purpose, finding out whose determination was greater, and who of the two would prevail.” In a blood-and-fire, life-and-death struggle with the aggressor, the spirit of resistance against Japan was hardened into steel, and encouraged the Chinese people to win the first complete victory over foreign invaders in modern times. Today, as we carry out a new great struggle with many historical characteristics, we also need heroes, and a heroic spirit for the new era.

伟大时代呼唤伟大精神，崇高事业需要精神引领。追忆八路军击溃日军的黄土岭之战，作家魏巍曾这样写道：“在战场上看得很清楚，这是两种精神在较量：一种是日本人的‘武士道’精神，一种是老红军的革命意志，看看究竟谁更顽强，谁压倒谁。”在同侵略者殊死搏斗的血火淬炼中，抗战精神百炼成钢，激励中国人民取得了近代以来抗击外敌入侵的第一次完全胜利。今天，我们正在进行具有许多新的历史特点的伟大斗争，同样需要英雄，需要新时代的英雄精神。

To engrave in our hearts all the things the heroes did for the Chinese nation and the Chinese people, to advocate the heroes, to defend the heroes, to learn from the heroes, to care for the heroes, to advocate the great spirit of patriotism, to advocate the great spirit of the war of resistance against Japan, we can certainly lay the cornerstone of confidence, revive the ability to struggle, to be united with one mind in the struggle for national rejuvenation, to create the Chinese nation’s new splendor.

铭记一切为中华民族和中国人民作出贡献的英雄们，崇尚英雄，捍卫英雄，学习英雄，关爱英雄，弘扬伟大的爱国主义精神，弘扬伟大的抗战精神，我们就一定能筑牢信仰的基石、振奋精神的力量，戮力同心为民族复兴而奋斗，创造中华民族的新辉煌。

Original title: Carry Forward the Spirit cast by the Heroes of the War of Resistance

原标题:弘扬英雄铸就的抗战精神

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Related

» Open the Skies for the Young, May 5, 2013
» PRC stands Towering, Mar 18, 2013

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Tibetan Music Videos: “Hold on to the Ancestral Land”

High Peaks Pure Earth runs a series of music videos from Tibet, about one per week. This is the most recent one. Every post comes with some background information.

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Related

» Federation of Literary and Art, April 15, 2012

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Obituary: Stéphane Hessel, 1917 – 2013

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Main Links:

» Stéphane Hessel, gentleman indigné, Le Monde, December 23, 2011 / February 27, 2013
» 《愤怒吧！》： 93岁愤怒战士一夜爆红, Beijing News, April 11, 2011

Links within blockquotes added during translation.

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Hessel was born German, grew up French, and became a French citizen in 1939. He took part in the formulation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, and never stopped promoting its values, Le Monde wrote in December 2011 (article updated on February 27, 2013).

He had joined the résistance in 1941. He had been arrested, tortured, and survived the Buchenwald concentration camp.

And his hope was contagious (Le gentleman indigné, dont l’espérance est contagieuse).

He was also a diplomat. Compromise was hardly something foreign to him. But to react to wrongs seems to have been second nature to him.

On October 20, 2010, on his 93rd birthday, his booklet “Indignez-vous”, Time for Outrage, was published in France, with more than two million copies sold in France, and almost two million more in the rest of the world. He published another edition soon after, describing his admiration for Eleanor and Franklin D. Roosevelt. Indignez-vous was followed by “Engagez-vous”, Get involved, came next.

Counter-espionage was Hessel’s job from 1941, when he followed General de Gaulle to London, a correspondent for Beijing News wrote  from Paris, in April 2011, six months after “Time for Anger” had been published:

In March 1944, he was assigned to organize the resistance network in Paris, and to gather intelligence for the allied troops as they prepared to enter continental Europe. Named “Ge Like”, he secretly entered France, but was soon betrayed and then arrested by the Gestapo. Neither punishment nor lure by promises led to the results [his captors] desired, and Hessel was then transferred to the Buchenwald concentration camp on August 8, 1944, only days before the liberaton of Paris. He later wrote a detailed description of these experiences, in “Danse avec le Siècle”.
1941年，他为追随戴高乐将军来到伦敦，从事反间谍的侦查行动。1944年3月，他受命组织联络巴黎的抵抗网络、为盟军登陆搜集情报，化名“格里科”秘密潜入法国。由于叛徒的出卖，他很快便被盖世太保所捕获。刑逼利诱毫无收获后，8月8日埃塞尔被押解往德国布痕瓦尔德集中营，而这仅仅就是巴黎解放的前几天。之后他在自传《世纪之舞》中对这段经历有着详细的记述。

His narrow escape from death – by obtaining the identity of a fellow inmate who had died of typhus – inspired him.

Just as Hessel said: “this kind of leap from death, back into life makes him the more determined to enter the enthusiasm of global politics” (正如埃塞尔自己所说的：“这种死里逃生经历更加坚定了他介入世界的政治热情”).

The article’s description of Hessel’s post-war life included his co-authorship of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights:

To help this document of tremendous historic value obtain acknowledgment as [a set of] universal values, Hessel and his colleagues went to great pains to make it suitable for East and West, for ideologies, and the different situations of countries and nations.
为了使这份人类历史上极为重要的文件获得公认的普世价值，为了能使其适应东西方、意识形态、国家种族不同的状况，达成一致的认同，埃塞尔和他的同事们费尽心机，奔走疾呼。

There was nothing new in the novel, “Time to get Angry”, and it provided neither a logical analysis of the problems faced by humankind today, nor practical methodology for dealing with them, the Beijing News author quoted Hessel, in 2011, and added that its fascination was to be found in the emotions it stirred, and the lesson it taught: not to allow evil to repeat itself.

An initially small, unobtrusive book, written without much preparation, of only some thirty pages including footnotes and a postscript, but inevitable content, unexpectedly led to this kind of reading, discussion and dissemination. (Frequently, customers went to a bookstore and bought ten or more copies for their families and friends). While many publishers call this a coincidence, many others explore the reasons for the book’s strong sales. There is this global upheaval, and worried people are seeking some relief. This small book is just right in its simplicity, legibility, its sentiment and excitement, and its catchiness. […] And secondly, the author’s personal charm adds an envelope of respectability and trustworthiness to this small book. It seems that only with the historical experience and the energetic and passionate involvement of this 93-year-old warrior, a man may be qualified to appeal to public enthusiasm.
一本事先毫不张扬，也无甚精心企划的小书；一本加上注释和后记才三十多页，内容无可避免的略显单薄的小册子，竟然引发了如此的阅读、讨论和传播（经常有顾客到书店一买十多册赠与身边的家人朋友）。在大多出版界人士大呼偶然的同时，也有不少人研究它畅销的必然所致。首先，世界局势的动荡，对未来的担忧让人们急需找到一个释放内心情绪的出口，而这本小册子正好简单、易懂，情绪激昂、朗朗上口。 […] 其次，作者的个人魅力无疑为这本小书笼罩了一层令人尊敬和信赖的气场。似乎，唯有这种经历过历史，并以自身全部的精力和激情投入其中的长者（93岁的老战士）才有资格以这种语气号召起大众的热情。

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Related

Hessel dies at 95, The Guardian, Febr 27, 2013
A Resistance Hero Fires up the French, NYT, March 9, 2011

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Another “Media Scandal”: Anti-CNN crops Li Qi’s “Deutsche Welle’s China Nightmare”

The following is an article published by April Media (四月网) in October this year, a review of Li Qi‘s “Deutsche Welle’s China Nightmare” (China-Albtraum der Deutschen Welle). Anti-CNN was turned into April Media in 2009.

Links within blockquote added during translation; I added my remarks about the review underneath.

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April Media’s Book Review

2008 was a memorable year. It was a year of a global uproar because of China, and it was a year where, for the first time, Chinese people became collectively excited. The uproar began with the Tibet incident in March that year, with the excitement going against Western media reporting and the way it had created an uproar for no reason. In the West, people took to the streets to protest against China’s “repression” of Tibetans, obstructing the torch ralleye to the Olympic Games which were for the first time held in Beijing. All over the world, Chinese people without an interest in politics also loudly expressed their anger at the West’s one-sided, distorted coverage.

2008是一个令人难忘的年头。那是一个世界因为中国而沸腾的年头，那是一个全世界华人首次全体激动起来的年头。那个沸腾始于是年三月的西藏事件；那个激动始于对西方报导及其引发的西方“无端”沸腾的不满。在西方，人们走上街头抗议中国“镇压”藏族人，阻挠首次在中国举办的奥运会的火炬之行。在世界上，从不关心政治的华人也站起来大声地表达对西方的片面、扭曲的报导的愤怒。

“The Voice of Germany’s China Nightmare” was written by a Chinese with many years of work experience in Western media, and describes what happened at the “Voice of Germany” and other German media from the Tibet incident to the end of 2011. It is a mere description, fully reflecting the predicament of Western media coverage on China with detailed material.

《德国之声的中国梦魇》这本书是一名在西方媒体工作多年的华人记者写的，记述了西藏事件至2011年底发生在“德国之声”和其它德国媒体中的事情。它仅仅是记述，是详尽的资料，但充分反映了西方媒体在中国报导中所处的窘境。这种窘境在20世纪末就已经发生，它至今仍然持续着。

The predicament, to say it clearly, is a kind of phobia against China’s rise. After hundreds of years of habitually reporting objectively, reflected in the law, they turned away from their own law and principles to a great degree. They can’t, for example, dare to mention the good aspects of China, even when the economy is the topic. They still have to involve politics, and within positive coverage, there still needs to be some criticism. Even in international disputes, there is a natural belief that China isn’t good. When it comes to the most recent Diaoyu Islands dispute, for example, Western media mostly use the Japanese name, clearly standing on Japan’s side, leading Western readers to a tendency which is just as clear.

这种窘境，说穿了就是一种对中国崛起的恐惧症。几百年来养成了客观报导的习惯、并将之大写在各种法律里的西方媒体，在很大程度上背离了自己的法律和原则：不能、不敢说中国好的方面，即使是谈经济，也要牵扯政治，在好的报导中也要有所批评。甚至在国际争端中，也自然而然地认定中国不好。比如在最近的钓鱼岛争端中，西方媒体大多用日本的岛名，明显地站在日本一边，导致西方读者也有了明显的倾向。

Within this “China isn’t good” discourse, within this envelope of China “phobia”, also on German television, radio, internet and in- and outside an international broadcaster’s television station – “Voice of Germany” -, a series of scandals occurred. In August 2008, ahead of the opening ceremony of the Beijing Olympic Games, this station’s Chinese-department’s Zhang Danhong said on German television that China’s overcoming of poverty was a great achievement. It triggered attacks from overseas dissidents and German media. This grew into attacks on the comparatively objective and comprehensive coverage of the Voice of Germany’s Chinese department. Some overseas dissidents, quickly and at will, fabricated a deceptive representation of [Deutsche Welle] Chinese broadcasting and online departments that were “China-friendly” and “CCP-friendly”. Some German journalists and politicians blindly believed those fabrications without checking the accusations. The so-called “German Author Circle of the German Federal Republic” even suggested that the Voice of Germany’s Chinese department should be purged and be comprehensively supervised in its China coverage. A surge of open letters to Germany’s federal parliament emerged, and in a wave of at least ten open letters and several tens of German media reports, the German parliament also became involved. Chinese media surged, too.

在这种中国“不好论”、中国“恐惧症”笼罩下，于是在德国集电视、广播、互联网于一体的国际广播电视台“德国之声”内外，发生了一系列的丑闻。在2008年8月，北京奥运开幕之际，该台中国部张丹红在德国电视台说中国除贫是重大贡献，引起了海外异议人士和德国媒体的围攻。继而扩散到对在西藏事件等方面相对客观地、比较全面地展开报导的德国之声中文部的攻击。一些海外异议人士凭空捏造、随意组合，创建了一个“亲华亲共”的德国之声中文广播和网络部报导的假象。一些德国记者、政治家盲目地相信这些捏造，而根本不去核对那些指责。所谓的“联邦德国作家圈”甚至提出要清洗德国之声中文编辑部、全面监督对华报导。一轮向德国联邦议院发公开信的热潮涌现了，在先后至少十封公开信和几十个德国媒体的报导热潮中，德国联邦议院也插手了。中国媒体在这个热潮冲击下同样汹涌澎湃。

The final examination report shows that the allegations against the Voice of Germany’s Chinese editorial department were completely slanderous. Originally, this matter should have been over by then. But the Voice of Germany’s leaders got trapped in fear, and went into disarray. From early in 2009, this international media unit implemented” the original demands which had been comprehensively repudiated [by the investigation]: it invited people “immune against the CCP” to examine the reporting – in violation of Germany’s constitution, and editors who adhered to the legal principles of objective coverage were put under pressure, up to the expulsion of four editors and reporters.

最后的审核结论表明，对德国之声中文编辑部的指责纯属子虚乌有。本来，这件事情应该过去了。可是，德国之声领导完全陷入了恐慌之中，在胜利中自乱阵脚。从2009年开始，这个国际媒体全面“执行”了本来被它全面推翻了的对方的要求：请“免疫”于共产主义的台外人员对中文节目展开违反德国宪法的新闻检查；对坚持德国法律规定的客观报导原则的编辑、记者实施打压，直到把四名编辑、记者开除出去。

In October 2012, “Deutsche Welle’s China Nightmare” was published by August von Goehte Lieteraturverlag [sic]. It describes, with detailed material, revealing many creepy scandals. Some examples as follows.

2012年10月出版的德语版《德国之声的中国梦魇》（China-Albtraum der Deutschen Welle，出版社：August von Goehte Lieteraturverlag）一书以详实的资料，记述了整个过程，揭露了许多令人毛骨悚然的丑闻。在此举例如下。

I’m not going to translate April Media’s list line by line, but only mention them very roughly here –

• the way dissidents were believed and the inclination to believe them because of their suitable China-isn’t-good narrative;
• how the Deutsche Welle management abandoned “the fruits of victory” (胜利果实);
• how – in the eyes of many listeners and readers, April Media adds -, the station became a voice of dissidents and Falun Gong, etc., thus abandoning Deutsche Welle director’s assertion that they were neither CCP’s, nor of the dissidents’ mouthpiece;
• the “monitor” (Jörg-Meinhard Rudolph), with an emphasis on how he allegedly objected to the term “mainland”, and demanding the use of “China” and “Taiwan” instead;
• inviting a “Tibetan separatist” to comment on the Yushu earthquake, with politicized remarks not related to the earthquake, or referring to Xinjiang as East Turkestan;
• violating the principles of objective journalism, and the German constitution;
• “Lying in court”;
• Falun-Gong guidance on German media and Deutsche Welle, beginning with the Zhang-Danhong affair.

After describing several episodes from “Deutsche Welle’s China Nightmare”, April Media returns to the issue of “sinophobia”. While the book can’t solve problems, it can describe otherwise rather hidden issues, the reviewer suggests. And it “can also help Chinese people to understand the West and Germany more comprehensively”.

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Remarks

First of all, April Media’s review should not be held against Li Qi, in my view – just as the way Chinese media presented Zhang Danhong – a German citizen, btw, according to Li – as a Chinese-motherland-superhero four years ago, should not be held against Zhang.  Li Qi wrote the book, not April Media’s review of it.

The review leaves an important episode out – one that Li himself addresses in his book: Zhang Danhong’s “interview with herself”, i. e. an intern or – rather, according to Li – a newbie in the department asking the questions. Li would go along with the review in that the Deutsche Welle management “abandoned the fruits of victory” without need – but he does see Zhang’s “interview” as the turning point. The following is based on my understanding of Li Qi’s chapter on the issue. I’ll base the following paragraphs on my understanding of that chapter.

Zhang had a dispute with He Qinglian, a dissident living in America. He Qinglian had alleged that Zhang had asked her, in 2005, to write no comments commentaries for the department anymore, but rather to report about China. He Qinglian considered that a request to terminate her assignment with Deutsche Welle, because reporting about China was difficult when living in the U.S.. In an interview with Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, He alleged that the Chinese propaganda department had been involved in the decision.

Li Qi felt that he could relate to the anger of the department managers. After all, they had been targeted by He Qinglian.

But I felt that such remarks weren’t worth a debate. What mattered was that the absurd accusations that we had been red infiltrators had been staved off.

The online department manager suggested to care about more important things when Zhang approached her, asking if an online colleague could do the interview with her. Zhang did it anyway. The release online then apparently followed a misunderstanding about “intranet” and “internet”.

Here is the crux – in my view: the Deutsche Welle management certainly felt that they had done their best to defend the integrity of the Chinese department. They had faced criticism, public uproars, inquiries from politics, and had seen it all through. And there came some small-minded editors with a “the-winner-takes-it-all” mentality who wouldn’t want to spare a single point, when it came to the “enemy”.  To be clear – I’m speculating about the mindsets here.

“Deutsche Welle’s China Nightmare” leaves the impression that Li doesn’t want to criticize the incident – but that he doesn’t want to condone it either.

Probably, nobody would have had to hit the roof (but Deutsche Welle’s top managers did, according to Li’s book). And the “interview incident” did pose questions about the department’s state of the art – , if nothing else had done that previously.

But the irony is that all this apparently turned into a political purge after all, rather than into continuous improvement (there’s no place where improvement would be unwarranted, is there?). And Li Qi and his colleagues were hardly to blame for the “interview incident”. According to Li, neither of the four online editors sacked in 2010/2011 was really responsible for the “self-interview”.

But April Media’s information – much of it apparently accurate, some of it half-true, and some of it – apparently – a wilful omission – is relevant all the same. It is relevant because it is among the media that cover the issue at all.

[Added:] Book Review: Li Qi’s “Deutsche Welle’s China Nightmare”

“The limits of my language mean the limits of my world”, wrote Ludwig Wittgenstein, and that’s true. You get very different comments, depending on the language you use on the internet. I’m realizing that I should have written about Deutsche Welle in German much earlier, say, since 2008. The share of Germans who read English-language blogs is probably much higher than the share of Chinese who do so – because English and German are much more similar to each other than English and Chinese, or because we are culturally closer, etc.. But that doesn’t mean that you can “reach” Germans with English.

That said, you have to find media here who would actually accept posts about Deutsche Welle’s Chinese department. Der Freitag seems to be one.

The following is what I wrote there, in the community section. Think of it as the book review in English I promised on Tuesday.

Public Diplomacy. Qi Li is a German citizen. From 2001 to 2011, he worked at Deutsche Welle. The “expiration of his contract” was a big media topic in China. In Germany, it wasn’t.

When Zhang Danhong, deputy Chinese department manager back then, made controversial remarks about China’s political issues during public appearances more than four years ago, it was well documented by the media. No wonder: 2008 was the year of the Beijing Olympics, and the “China” topic topped the agendas of many German papers and broadcasters.

Not only Zhang’s public-appearance comments, at Kölner Stadtanzeiger (a paper) or Deutschlandfunk (radio) were controversial; Deutsche Welle’s Chinese department became controversial, too. Dissidents who lived in Germany wrote a letter to the German Bundestag (federal parliament) on September 13, 2008:

We believe that Deutsche Welle’s Chinese department – broadcasting mainly in Chinese – is, to a large extent, isolated from German society and functioning like an island. This has led to a striking deviation from Deutsche Welle’s mission statement, to promote democracy and human rights and to explain Germany to the world.

It wasn’t necessarily the first letter from dissidents against an allegedly misguided editorial department. And according to Li Qi, who published his working experience with Deutsche Welle’s Chinese online department (2001 – 2011) last month, it wasn’t that much the open letter written by the dissidents that got Deutsche Welle into hot waters, but a letter by the “Deutscher Autorenkreis” (German authors’ club) ten days later. Li:

I’ve learned through the years that Germans take Germans seriously. The dissidents’ letter didn’t unsettle Deutsche Welle or the Bundestag. They might have been ignored forever, even though many of them have taken German citizenship long ago. And Zhang Danhong, too, was constantly described as “Chinese” by German media, even though that wasn’t correct, in terms of citizenship.

Back then, Deutsche Welle reacted publicly. Zhang Danhong was temporarily suspended from work at the microphone, and lost her position as the Chinese department’s deputy manager. Above all, however, the Chinese department’s work – and that of the online editors in particular – was investigated. A translation agency translated the Chinese articles back into German, and former German ARD (channel-1) correspondent and “Tagesthemen” (a newsshow) editor Ulrich Wickert reviewed them. “You are free to decide about the results. You are completely free in this regard” (Sie entscheiden, was am Ende herauskommt. Sie sind völlig frei), Süddeutsche Zeitung’s Hans Leyendecker quoted Deutsche Welle director Erik Bettermann, months later.

Wickert’s findings: accusations of slanted China coverage were completely unfounded. Wickert didn’t only criticize that politicians had picked up the accusations unchecked, but also that the director, apparently because of public and political pressure … [took personnel decisions] hastily and unjustifiedly. To be clear, this wasn’t about Zhang Danhong’s public-appearance remarks, but about the Chinese editorial department’s work.

Wickert’s report remained unpublished. Different to the original allegations, it gave no rise to headlines. It took an inquiry by the Süddeutsche Zeitung to Bettermann, who reportedly rated Wickert’s report as “very good work – great”. Bettermann didn’t want to publish the report however, so as “not to revive the China debate again”.

When reading Li’s book, you can hardly escape the feeling that Deutsche Welle has been very successful at that.

Four online editors at the China department lost their freelance assignments or jobs respectively, in 2010 and 2011. If and how far the “freelance” assignments amounted to “employee-like” contracts (arbeitnehmerähnlich Beschäftigte), and if and how far the jobs had to count as temporary (befristet) can’t be discussed here. Some of that still seems to be disputed at the labor courts – Wang Fengbo expects his case to be at the federal labor court this month.

More interestingly, Deutsche Welle – despite Wickert’s acquittal – prescribed a “monitor” for the Chinese department, Jörg-Meinhard Rudolph from Ludwigshafen. Officially, he was meant to monitor style and language/expression, and to correct those, if need be. In fact, according to an open letter by the four former employees, he rated how “close” to the CCP (or how distant to it) articles written by the editorial department were.

It was an angry letter, published by the four at the online paper “Neue Rheinische Zeitung” in April 2011, and even just for its length, it was no journalistic masterpiece. But its content is mostly authenticated. Deutsche Welle employees committee member Christian Hoppe, quoted by EPD in May 2011:

Some of the letter’s phrasing had been overboard, said Hoppe, but by and large, the events in the editorial department were described accurately (die Autoren des „offenen Briefs“ seien „mit einigen Formulierungen über das Ziel hinausgeschossen“, würden jedoch “die Vorgänge in der Redaktion insgesamt korrekt wiedergeben”).

According to Li, Wang Fengbo and another colleague met a journalist in Cologne for two hours, in the evening on April 14, 2011. The journalist, himself a freelancer, “wanted to report about it, but didn’t know what his superiors thought” (Li’s account). “In fact, we never heard about a report at his paper.”

But another source did report, as quoted above. Li:

You can’t google the report, though, because it can only be read at “epd medien”. Press agencies like dpa, ap, epd enter their stories into a database. That’s how they make them available to the media.

The book – Li categorizes it as reportage – isn’t above the story. There is bitterness in some of its chapters. But it is a schoolbook for a number of cultural and political issues: “intergration“, suspicions of extremism, public diplomacy (and how it shoots itself in the foot, “politically”), journalism, labor law, and – one begins to suspect – about the despair of superiors who have to execute an agenda which can’t be plausibly explained to any reasonable contemporary.

Not least: about how a public institution (apparently) got into the eddying of a parallel society. That “parallel society” isn’t malign in the way rednecks would have it. It isn’t malign at all. But politics faces it without a clue, unprepared and sort of trigger-happy.

While the Chinese press reported – and someties raged – extensively, there was almost no German coverage. “Is the topic of no interest for German media?”, Li asks towards the end of his book. It’s not only him – Wang Fengbo, too, finds that hard to believe.

They aren’t Eva Herman or Susan Stahnke, obviously. Deutsche Welle may only be known to those Germans who, into the 1990s, took their shortwave receivers to Mallorca, or before travelling the world. But when it is about good journalism – at a public broadcaster (or a public media platform), public interest seems likely. And if one is inclined to believe that a number of Deutsche-Welle employees were wronged, this poses questions about the usual practice in our media: how well (or badly) do we actually want to be informed?

Li Qi: “China-Albtraum der Deutschen Welle”, August-von-Goethe Literaturverlag, Frankfurt a/M, 2012.
Only available in German.