Posts tagged ‘Communist Party of China’

Monday, July 19, 2021

Center for China and Globalization develops “new narrative system”

The following is my translation of an excerpt from a book review by a Chinese think tank named Center for China and Globalization (全球化智库), (re)published by a number of Chinese online media. The book is probably CCG’s own work. The review and the content related there should not be too easily thought of as a possible new trend in Chinese public diplomacy unless it is echoed elsewhere in Chinese politics. An article published by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute contains some information about the think tank’s work abroad and its background.

My translation may contain mistakes. Corrections are welcome.

Links within blockquotes added during translation.

[…]

Based on CCG’s practice of track-II diplomacy, this book summarizes the ten experiences CCG went through while developing a new narrative system. Specifically, CCG, in new international narrative exchanges, CCG emphasizes the following aspects.

基于CCG二轨外交的实践,本书总结了CCG打造新叙事体系的十条经验:具体来说,CCG国际交流新叙事注重以下几个方面:

1. Look at China’s topics from a global perspective, talk more about common values and emphasize universality. Let China’s voice in globalization be heard.

第一,全球化视野思考中国问题,多说共同价值,多讲普遍性,向世界发出中国的全球化声音;

2. Less conceptional advocacy1), and more objective and reasonable ways of expression. Use facts and figures. Talk more about China’s contributions to globalization, and tell China’s story from a multilateralist point of view.

第二,少理念倡导,多客观理性表达,用事实与数据说话。多讲中国对全球化的贡献,从多边角度讲中国故事;

3. Be modest but self-confident, tolerant but not without a position of your own. Practice mutual respect and an interlocutory attitude, without an aim of defeating your counterpart, communicate your own ideas and communicate effectively.

第三,谦和而自信,包容而有立场,相互尊重,对话姿态,不以博倒对方为目的,传递自身理念,做有效沟通;

4. Innovate the popularized narrative discourse system, all-embracing, narrating your case multi-levelled and multi-angledly, from the perspectives of politics, diplomacy, trade, human affairs, and individual experience. Above all, analyze the logic of China’s development with inside information about concrete details of Chinese culture.

第四,创新民间化叙事话语体系,兼容并包,从政治、外交、商业、人文、个体经验多层次多角度讲述个案。尤其通过讲述中国文化底蕴分析中国现实发展逻辑;

5. Take interviews from international mainstream media and make yourself heard on international social media.

第五,接受国际主流媒体访问,通过国际社交媒体发声;第六,走出去主动参与国际主流轮坛平台,积极发言交流;

6. Go out and participate in international mainstream forum platforms, speak out actively and communicate socially.

第六,走出去主动参与国际主流轮坛平台,积极发言交流;

7. Actively set an agenda and expand the topic’s impact on international mainstream platforms.

第七,主动设置议题,在国际主流平台扩大议题影响力;

8. Be creative in building new types of international exchange platforms. Constructively initiate new types of multilateral international organizations.

第八,创造性搭建新型国际交流平台,建设性发起新型多边国际组织。

9. Take the courage to face different opinions, make contact with a multitude of interlocutors. Establish wide-ranged exchange and dialogue in Chinese and foreign political, business, academic and research circles. Promote track-II diplomacy.

第九,勇于直面不同意见,接触多元交流对象,在中外政商学研界建立广泛交流与对话,促进民间二轨外交。

10. Keep up with international and domestic points of strong [public] interest, be flexible in strengthening the think tank’s2) influence through a multitude of channels and methods.

第十,及时紧跟国际国内热点,灵活通过多渠道多方式传播增强智库影响力。

[…]

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Notes

 1  conceptual advocacy is just my guess for the Chinese term for 理念倡导 – to argue in favor of a topic, approach, or perspective. It may as well be translated as <em>idea advocacy</em>.
  2   the think tank in question here should be CCG.
Sunday, June 6, 2021

Great Matters of the State, Educational Tour

nanhu_red_boat

CCTV Xinwen Lianbo, June 5, 2021

The following is a newsitem from Xinwen Lianbo (CCTV evening news) on June 5. The term 国之大者 (guózhī dàzhě), coined in recent contexts by party secretary general Xi Jinping, appears to have led to some confusion, without anyone within the propaganda department or any CPC interface with the public to clarify the meaning.

The non-communist public figures, commonly referred to dangwai in Chinese politics, appear to be facing higher expectations to be faithful agents of the Communist Party of China in the pursuit of state affairs, or intensified worshippers of the CPC as it  commermorates its 100th founding anniversary.
The Upenn language blog has done some heroic explanatory work for the term guózhī dàzhě, and as I can’t find anything more convincing online, I’ve decided to translate it as great matters of the state.
Links within blockquotes added during translation.

Celebrating the 100th founding anniversary of the Communist Party of China, officials of all non-communist parties’ central committee members and public figures and representatives with no party affiliations went to Shanghai and to Jiaxing, Zhejiang Province, for visits and studies.

[视频]庆祝中国共产党成立100周年 各民主党派中央负责人和无党派人士代表赴上海 浙江嘉兴参观学习
来源:央视网2021年06月05日 19:18

CCTV online news (Xinwen Lianbo): with permission from the Communist Party of China’s central committee, the Central United Front organized a trip by members of all non-communist parties’ central committee officials and public figures and representatives with no party affiliations to Shanghai and Jiaxing, Zhejiang Province, so as to admire the site of the Communist Party of China’s first congress, and the Nanhu Red Boat. A symposium was also held.

央视网消息(新闻联播):经中共中央批准,中央统战部组织各民主党派中央负责人和无党派人士代表今天(6月5日)赴上海、浙江嘉兴,瞻仰中共一大会址和嘉兴南湖红船,并举行座谈会。

The one-hundred years of struggle have amply demonstrated that without the Communist Party there would be no New China, that without the Communist Party there would be no socialism with Chinese characteristics, the Chinese people wouldn’t have stood up, wouldn’t have prospered, wouldn’t have become stronger. It is hoped that non-communist democratic party public figure will always cherish “great matters of the state”, thoroughly study and implement Xi Jinping’s ideology of New Era socialism with Chinese characteristics, firmly develop party history education, always faithfully maintain the leadership of the Communist Party of China, keep to the road of socialism with Chinese characteristics, strengthen the joining of forces of party construction, and unite in the common effort of promoting the development of multi-party cooperation, so as to create a beautiful future for the Chinese people and the Chinese nation.

中国共产党百年奋斗历程充分表明,没有共产党就没有新中国,没有共产党就没有中国特色社会主义,中国人民就不可能站起来、富起来、强起来。希望各民主党派、无党派人士始终胸怀“国之大者”,深入学习贯彻习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想,扎实开展中共党史学习教育,始终不渝坚持中国共产党的领导,走中国特色社会主义道路,加强中国特色社会主义参政党建设,协力推进多党合作事业发展,共同创造中国人民和中华民族的美好未来。

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Related

Political parties in China, Wiki, last edited June 6

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Sunday, June 6, 2021

External Propaganda: Cai Mingzhao’s then, Xi Jinping’s now?

30th_politburo_study_session

Politburo’s 30th study session, Xinwen Lianbo, June 1, 2021

English-speaking Chinese media translate 传播 (chuánbō) as “communication” – as in this English-language rendition of a Xi speech on May 31, to the “30th collective study session of the CPC politburo. I don’t quite trust the translation, because there is a Chinese habit of making Chinese terms more palatable to a foreign audience by using not-quite-the-closest possible translation.

As a shortwave user, the most familiar translation to me would be propagation, which may stand for a process of information flow, “transmissions of impulses (or triggers) to influence the behavior of others” (传播就是某个人传递刺激以影响另一些人行为的过程), or “social information flows and the information of social information systems” (郭庆光定义传播是社会資訊的流动和社会資訊系统的运行). All that, and more, plus propaganda, I suppose.

So, the official Chinese translation for chuánbō would be communication. But China Copyright and Media, in an October 2013 translation of an article by Cai Mingzhao, director of the State Council Information Office’s Foreign Propaganda Office at the time, referred to chuánbō as dissemination. It’s a translation that leaves room for a lot of interpretation.

What strikes me when reading the China Copyright and Media translation of nearly eight years ago is its similarity with Xi’s speech of May 31. Back then, Cai Mingzhao, the State Council of Information Office’s external propaganda bureau at the time, discussed the future priorities in public diplomacy work in the light of Xi Jinping’s recent speech at the National Propaganda and Ideology Work Conference.

While Xi’s national propaganda conference speech in August 2013 had contained some referals to external propaganda, too, most of it had been about propaganda in general, and ideological work within China. In fact, I’m under the impression that in his May 31 speech, which focused exclusively on external propaganda, Xi borrowed heavily from Cai Mingzhao’s 2013 article.

You can contrast these two English renditions: one by China Daily on June 2, i. e. four days ago, reflecting Xi’s speech, and one by China Copyright and Media, in October 2013, translating Cai Mingzhao’s article.

Monday, May 31, 2021

Zhang Kaiyuan, 1926 – 2021

Zhang Kaiyuan (章开沅) was born in Wuhu, Anhui Province, on July 8, 1926, with ancestry mainly in Zhejiang province. According to Xinhua, he studied at Nanjing Jinling University before leaving for the “Zhongyuan Liberated Area”.  Zhongyuan stands for the “Central Plains”, both a geographical and historical term, and particularly contested for its historical aspects. Zhang apparently didn’t complete his studies before leaving Nanjing. He is said to have been a pioneer of Xinhai Revolution research in the 1950s, and of the Nanjing Massacre (1937/38) in the late 1980s, after finding that an American teacher from his alma mater’s history department had saved Chinese citizens during the massacre. He started teaching at Central China Normal University in 1959, and became the university’s president in 1985.

One of his more famous quotes appears to be that

“scholarly research isn’t about charming the talk of our times, but to search real knowledge for later generations. It has become the past with a full stop to it, and a never-ending journey.”

『治学不为媚时语,独寻真知启后人。历史是已经画上句号的过去,史学是永无止境的远航。』

Zhang was a member of the Communist Party of China. He died on May 28, aged 94 (or, by the Chinese way of counting, 95).

Sunday, April 25, 2021

“Age of Awakening” Screenplay Writer Long Pingping faces Heroic Death (at least 20 times)

The following is a translation of a report published by (apparently privately-run) Shanghai news portal “Guanchazhe”, aka “Observer”. Links within blockquotes added during translation.

Revolutionary lectures

Main link 1:
page 1

On April 25, the screenwriter of soon-to-be-broadcast “Age of Awakening” and former director of the Party Literature Research Center’s 3rd research department director as well as Tongji University specially appointed professor Long Pingping, and the two young actors Zhang Wanyi and Ma Qiyue who are playing martyr Chen Yannian and martyr Chen Qiaonian, as well as several scores of young Tongji University came to Shanghai Longhua Martyrs’ Cemetery to commemorate and to pay tribute to eternally resting Chen Yannian, Chen Qiaonian, Zhao Shiyan and other revolutionary martyrs, and to learn these martyrs’ saga, and to carry forward the heroic spirit.

4月25日,热播剧《觉醒年代》编剧、原中共中央文献研究室第三编研部主任、同济大学特聘教授龙平平,剧中扮演陈延年烈士、陈乔年烈士的两位青年演员张晚意、马启越,以及数十位同济大学青年学子来到上海龙华烈士陵园,缅怀祭奠长眠于此的陈延年、陈乔年、赵世炎等革命烈士,学习先烈们的英雄事迹、弘扬英烈精神。

Longhua Martyrs’ Cemetery with its green trees full of life is dignified and solemn. The tomb stones of revolutionary martyrs like Chen Yannian and Chen Qiaonian lie quietly in the warm spring sunshine.

龙华烈士陵园树木葱郁、庄重肃穆。陈延年、陈乔年等革命先烈的墓碑静静地躺在春日暖阳中。

The grave-sweeping ceremony begins, everyone stands tall in silence in a tribute to the revolutionary martyrs who saved the Chinese nation from extinction, and gallantly dedicated their lives to the great cause of salvation and survival of the Chinese nation, and the people’s freedom and happiness.

祭扫仪式开始,现场全体人员肃立,向为实现中华民族救亡图存、人民自由幸福的伟大事业而英勇献身的革命先烈们默哀。

Having completed the moment of silence, “Age of Awakening” screenwriter Long Pingping, the two young actors Zhang Wanyi and Ma Qiyue who are playing martyr Chen Yannian and martyr Chen Qiaonian bow one after another and lay flowers, extending their deeply-felt fond memory and sublime respect.

默哀毕,《觉醒年代》编剧龙平平、剧中饰演陈延年、陈乔年的两位青年演员张晚意、马启越依次鞠躬献花,向长眠于此的革命先烈致以深切缅怀和崇高敬意。

After the ceremony, everyone comes to Longhua Martyrs’ Cemetery square for Long Pingping’s vivid party history lesson, reviving the course of the party’s development, giving an account of the two martyrs’ Chen Yannian and Chen Qiaonian heroic feats.

祭扫仪式结束后,大家来到龙华烈士纪念碑广场,龙平平在此给现场的同济青年学子上了一堂生动的党史课,重温党的发展历程,讲述了陈延年、陈乔年两位革命先烈的英雄事迹。

Main link 2:
page 2

In 1927, the KMT reactionaries started the “April-12 counter-revolutionary coup d’état in Shanghai, with rivers of blood from Communists and revolutionaries. In the time of peril, Chen Yannian took the post of Jiangsu and Zhejiang regional party secretary, so as to quickly recover the ravaged party and labor union work by working day and night.

1927年,国民党反动派在上海发动“四·一二”反革命政变,共产党人和革命志士血流成河。危亡之际,陈延年接任中共江浙区委书记,为迅速恢复被摧残的党和工会组织日夜奔忙。

On June 26, Chen Yannian was unfortunately arrested and imprisoned when opening a meeting of the provincial party conference. On July 4, less than ten days after his arrest, Chen Yannian was taken to the Longhua execution ground where he was executed.

6月26日,陈延年在召开省委会议时不幸被捕入狱。7月4日,被捕不到10天,陈延年被押赴龙华刑场行刑。

At the execution, the executioner held high a butcher’s knife and, with intense viciousness, ordered: “kneel down!”

临刑之际,刽子手高举屠刀,恶狠狠地勒令“跪下!”

Chen Yannian held his head high and replied: “Revolutionaries die only while standing and won’t kneel down!”

陈延年昂首回道:“革命者只有站着死,绝不下跪!”

In the end, Chen Yannian died a violent death under the KMT reactionaries’ messy knife, aged 29.

最终,陈延年惨死于国民党反动派乱刀之下,时年29岁。

In 1927, Chen Qiaonian succeeded his elder brother, coming to Shanghai as the Communist Party’s Jiangu and Zhejiang provincial organizational director. He secretly and thoroughly went to factories, places in the countryside, agencies and schools, and contacted comrades to recover and rebuild the party’s grassroot organizations.

1927年冬,陈乔年继承长兄遗志,来到上海,担任中共江苏省委组织部长。他秘密地深入工厂、农村、机关和学校,联络同志,恢复和重建党的基层组织。

On February 16,1928, because of turncoat Tang Ruilin’s betrayal, Chen Qiaonian and other Jiangsu provincial comrades were arrested.

1928年2月16日,由于叛徒唐瑞林出卖,陈乔年等江苏省委机关的负责同志被捕。

After their arrest, Chen Qiaonian’s position was exposed, and he was subjected to all kinds of torture, but didn’t say a word. When he bid farewell to his comrades in prision, Chen Qiaonian said optimistically: “let our offspring, the generations that follow us, enjoy the happiness their forbears who blazed new trails!”

被捕后,陈乔年身份暴露,在狱中受尽种种酷刑,但不发一言。在与狱中同志告别时,陈乔年乐观地说道:“让我们的子孙后代,享受前人披荆斩棘的幸福吧!”

On June 6, 1928, Chen Qiaonian died a martyr’s death, aged 26.

1928年6月6日,陈乔年慷慨就义,年仅26岁。

Talking about the “Age of Awakening” scene where the brothers Chen Yannian and Chen Qiaonian died as martyrs, Long Pingping said that he had seen these fragments for at least twenty times, and every time, he couldn’t stop himself from crying loudly.

谈及《觉醒年代》剧中陈延年陈乔年兄弟两就义的场景,龙平平表示,这个片段自己看了不下20遍,每看一次,就忍不住大哭一次。

He says: These men from 100 years ago are examples for the young people of today. Nobody must forget them. With them as our examples, we must build our country well and fulfill these revolutionary martyrs’ final wishes!”

他说:“100年前的他们,就是今天青年人的楷模和榜样。大家不能忘记他们,要以他们为楷模,把我们这个国家建设好,去实现这些革命烈士的遗愿!”

Long Pingping encouraged today’s young students to continue the martyrs’ fine traditions and fight for the rise of China. He said: “Everyone must surely inherit the martyrs’ spirit, know the importance of truth, display patriotic enthusiasm, and you must contribute your own strengths in our new era of socialism with Chinese characteristics so full of opportunities and vigor.”

龙平平激励当代青年学子要继承先烈的优良传统,为中华之崛起而奋斗。他说道:“大家一定要继承烈士的精神,认识到真理的重要,发挥爱国热情,在我们这样的一个充满着生机和活力的是中国特色社会主义的新时代,贡献出你们自己的力量。”

The students also offered the two martyred heroes hand-painted works jointly signed by young Tongji University representatives, “Socialism will never fail to live up to China” and “A beautiful Era’s Picture Scroll”.

同学们也向两位英烈献上同济青年代表共同签名的“社会主义绝不会辜负中国”和“美好时代画卷”手绘作品,希望以今日之美好生活告慰昨日之牺牲奉献,今后更将继续传承英烈之革命精神,奋进新时代。

After the ceremony and tomb-sweeping activities, makers and staff of “Age of Awakening” came to Guanchazhe Online. Screenplay writer Long Pingping held a lecture titled “‘Age of Awakening’: a rite for the foundations of the great revival.” The two young actors Zhang Wanyi and Ma Qilong also came to the scene and shared the process of thought behind the television play’s production. Guanchazhe Online will bring a detailed report tomorrow.

结束龙华陵园的祭扫活动后,《觉醒年代》主创人员一行来到观察者网。编剧龙平平老师举办了主题为“《觉醒年代》:伟大复兴奠基礼”的讲座,张晚意、马启越两位青年演员也来到现场,和观众分享电视剧创作背后的心路历程。详细报道观察者网将于明日发布。

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Related

The CCP’s 2021 Propaganda Blueprint, China Media Project, April 18, 2021

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Thursday, January 14, 2021

Before you define your next China policy, learn from Lu Xun

Chinese nationalism has had its share of wishful thinking. But in recent decades, the West has fallen into similar traps, although its humiliations – the 2008 financial crisis and the flat-footed reaction of most Western countries to the Covid-19 pandemic – have been comparatively minor humiliations.

True story

But humiliations they have been, and nothing shows this more clearly than the way some of the West’s governments have reacted to China’s handling of the pandemic. To quote one of the more civil criticisms  – by Iain Duncan Smith, a former leader of the United Kingdom’s Conservative Party -, “the world would have had more time to prepare for the pandemic if Chinese leaders had been more forthcoming”. No worries, though, he switched into another gear right away:

For too long, nations have lamely kowtowed to China in the desperate hope of winning trade deals. Once we get clear of this terrible pandemic it is imperative that we all rethink that relationship,” he said.

Politics, that much is true, must never let a crisis go waste, and there are reasons to “rethink” the West’s, and possibly the world’s, relationship with China.

But China only bears a limited share of responsibility for this global crisis. If people in the West don’t understand that, they don’t understand their own political class.

We don’t need to reconsider our relationship with China because its role in the pandemic was questionable.

We must reconsider our relationship with China because we must not tolerate the way Chinese authorities treat Chinese citizens. Human rights violations often hit “national minorities” like Tibetans or Uyghurs hardest, but the political malpractice doesn’t stop there.

We must reconsider our relationship with China because in Hong Kong, Beijing has shown complete disregard for the rule of law, within Hong Kong’s autonomy (that’s nothing new, China has never understood the concept of autonomy anyway), and complete disregard of international law.

We must reconsider our relationship with China because in the South China Sea and other international waters, China has adopted a policy of annexation.

And we must reconsider our relationship with China, because with his “Resist America, Aid Korea” speech in October, Chinese CPC secretary general and state chairman Xi Jinping has made China’s disregard for international law official, by suggesting that Maoist China’s war against the United Nations had been a “war against imperialism”.

There may be some reason to believe that many within the CPC believe that the speech has been a non-starter, because they haven’t dwelled too much on it in the media since, and because the faces of many of the leaders during Xi’s speech appeared to speak volumes. But there is no reason to believe that Xi’s speech wasn’t an honest attempt at rewriting history, at the expense of truth. This attempt must be taken seriously.

All that said, when reconsidering our relationship with China, we must not walk into the Ah-Q trap. This is something we might learn from China indeed: the way Chinese intellectuals used to be self-critical was part of China’s more recent successes, just as China’s more recent pompousness and triumphalism may earn it serious setbacks.

The same is true for us, and especially for those who consider themselves our “elites”. For decades, China has been described as an opportunity too big to miss, and to justify throwing valuable Western-made technology at it. To make this foreign-trade salad more palatable to the general public (and arguably also to the propagandists themselves), China-trade advocates added that trade and engagement with China would lead to improvements in the country’s human rights practice, or its economic and social system.

“The party is over,” a long-forgotten “expert” crowed in the 1990s, in a huge, long-forgotten book. Others suggested that the CPC might become a “social-democratic” party. But nobody seemed to ask the CPC people if they had any such intentions, at least not seriously. And if they did, they only heard the answers they wanted to hear.

There was never a doubt that China’s political system is a dictatorship. And when that dictatorship began to succeed economically and technogically, quite a number of Western intellectuals, and especially business people, began to admire that dictatorship:

I have fantasized–don’t get me wrong–but that what if we could just be China for a day? I mean, just, just, just one day. You know, I mean, where we could actually, you know, authorize the right solutions, and I do think there is a sense of that, on, on everything from the economy to environment. I don’t want to be China for a second, OK, I want my democracy to work with the same authority, focus and stick-to-itiveness. But right now we have a system that can only produce suboptimal solutions.

Don’t get me wrong either. I don’t think Thomas Friedman argued in favor of the introduction of authoritarianism, let alone totalitarianism. But he didn’t apply any logic – and he’s no exception among Western intellectuals. He’s full of ideas and without a plan when it comes to these issues.

Because if we could be China for one day, we could be China every day. And then we would be the kind of society that we now want to reconsider our relationship with. (OK, maybe not Friedman.)

But the worst thing is to think of ourselves as Santa. The guys who only want the best for China, etc.. I’m pretty sure that half of my fellow Germans, in as far as they have misgivings about China, don’t worry about China’s human rights record. They worry about its economic clout, and the preparedness of a lot of Chinese people to work harder, for less income, then we would.

That’s legitimate self-interest, but nobody should confuse this interest with something like international solidarity. To do that, to suggest that “we are nice, we are generous, we’ve done everything for them, and they are bloody ingrats” is typical Ah-Q thought.

No, guys. Our bosses threw our technology at China, technology developed with support of public institutions we paid our taxes for. That’s what our bosses usually do. Sometimes at the Chinese, sometimes at other promising markets. But as our bosses’ greed for profits from China knew no limits, they fooled themselves, too. Occasionally, they complained once it went wrong. But this wasn’t “Chinese” greed – they only picked up what was thrown at them. And even if they never told us that they would make good use of it, with or against the law, daily practice could have shown us in a year that this transactional model wouldn’t work – at least not for the West.

China – not just the CPC, but most of the Chinese people – have always told us that their rightful global place was at the pole position.

They have always told us that they would “re-take” Taiwan, once they had the power to do so.

Every bloke in the street told us that Hong Kong was no stuff to negotiate about – it had been taken by the imperialists, and had to be retaken by China. Besides, those Hong Kongers shouldn’t think of themselves as “special”. Yadayada.

We played along, one year after another. We still do. I’m afraid we’ll continue to do so. Our governments, for example, keep participating in the diplomatic charade to this day that, for some incomprehensible reasons (depending on what individual Western nation’s memoranda with Beijing have made up out of thin air), Taiwan wouldn’t be quite a sovereign country.

In short: it was hard to get China wrong, but we managed anyway. And if we don’t stop suggesting that our intentions in this relationship had always been honest, we won’t get our next China policy right either.

To reshape our relationship with China, let’s learn from Lu Xun first.

Sunday, January 3, 2021

Huanqiu Shibao: “Strike the iron while it is hot, Reinforce China’s political self-confidence”

The following are translated excerpts from an unsigned editorial by Huanqiu Shibao. The article was published online on Sunday. Links within blockquotes added during translation.

Main link:
To take a turn for the better, 2021 will require hard work (2021,好转需经艰苦努力才会发生)

[…]

This year, China has ample capital to continue [the process of] becoming the most outstanding country with its successes in fighting the epidemic and in transforming these achievements into fruits of economic development. To accelerate the expansion of domestic markets, to promote the formation of the dual-circulation pattern and its consolidation is crucial, because the trade wars of the past few years have told us that relying on the international markets alone is highly problematic and the political risks of it are growing. Domestic markets that balance and mutually support each other have become the road to follow.

今年中国有充足资本继续成为抗疫成就最突出的国家,并且将这一成就朝着经济发展的成果转化。加快扩大国内市场、促进双循环格局的形成和巩固至关重要,因为过去几年的贸易战已经告诉我们,仅靠扩大国际市场既困难重重,而且其政治风险也越来越高,国内和国际市场的平衡及相互促进已是必由之路。

Even if the global economy shows some recovery in the new year, it will be weak, and if China’s share in this year’s international recovery is disproportionally high, it will cause more jealousy, and this is something we have to be aware of.

全球经济在新的一年里即使有所恢复,也会是微弱的,如果中国今年的经济增长占据过大国际经济恢复的份额,将会引来更多妒忌,这方面的意识我们切不可缺失。

China’s leadership in controlling the epidemic has provided us with a huge comparative advantage over other major countries, and this summary rather belongs to history. As far as China’s society itself is concerned, especially as far as many individuals are concerned, the impact and challenges the coronavirus epidemic has brought about are more real, and China’s policies of this year must address these practical problems, and they must not lower their problem-solving qualities because of the epidemic.

中国率先控制住疫情,这提供了我们相对其他主要国家的巨大比较优势,但这是一笔国家的宏观账,这份总结更多属于历史。就中国社会自身来说,尤其是对很多个人来说,新冠疫情带来的冲击和困难更为真实,今年中国的各项政策仍需针对这些实际问题,不因疫情降低解决它们的质量。

One of the biggest earnings for China’s society in 2020 is the increase in political self-confidence. The epidemic has provided the Chinese people with a rare glimpse on the efficiency of China’s political system and its people-centered objective. America’s idolistic effect has basically collapsed. But one year is too short. Chinese society’s political self-confidence must be reinforced by striking the iron while it is hot. This year is a critical period during which the Chinese people’s self-acknowledgment of last year must go on.

2020年中国社会最大的收获之一是增加了政治自信,国人通过这场疫情提供的罕见可比性看到了中国政治体制的效率,读懂了它以人民为中心的宗旨,美国的长期偶像效应基本垮掉了。然而一年的时间太短了,中国社会的政治自信需要趁热打铁地加固,今年是延续中国人去年自我认知的关键时期。

[…]

It won’t be easy to make China take another step forward while giving the masses another experience of improvement at the same time, but it deserves China’s efforts. Objectively speaking, the number of Chinese people who have suffered losses in 2020 hasn’t been small, and 2021 must allow this great number of people to “turn losses into gains”, and turn China’s victory into a common triumphal hymn for all the people.

要让国家往前再迈一步与人民群众的收获体验再获改善同时发生,这非常不易,但却是值得中国2021年跳跳脚争取摸到的。客观说,2020年受了损失的中国人还是不少的,2021年要让那些绝大多数个人也都“扭亏为盈”,让中国的胜利成为真正全体国民的共同凯歌。

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Related

A test for our Governance System, Jan 24, 2020
Frugal new year, Febr 10, 2018

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Saturday, December 26, 2020

Xi Jinping’s “Resisting U.S.” Speech (4): Gasps of Admiration

The following is the 4th and last part of my translation. Links within blockquotes added during translation.

« Part 3

Comrades and friends!

同志們、朋友們!

In the 60 years since the war to resist america and aid Korea, unprecedented historic and huge changes have taken place under the CPC’s strong leadership, socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered a new era, the Chinese nation has welcomed the huge leap forward*) from standing up to getting rich, from getting rich to becoming strong.

抗美援朝戰爭勝利60多年來,在中國共産黨堅強領導下,中國發生了前所未有的歷史巨變,中國特色社會主義進入了新時代,中華民族迎來了從站起來、富起來到強起來的偉大飛躍。

Today, we stand at the historic confluence of the “Two Centenaries”, with the establishment of a moderately prosperous society in sight, and the shining perspective of a socialist modern country. The road ahead won’t be easy. We must engrave into our memory the hardships and great victory of the war to resist the U.S. and to aid Korea, the daring struggle, the improvement through struggle, the advancement despite difficulties, the tenacious movement ahead. We must continuously push forward toward the great cause of the new era of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

今天,我們正站在實現“兩個一百年”奮鬥目標的歷史交匯點上,全面建成小康社會勝利在望,全面建設社會主義現代化國家前景光明。前進道路不會一帆風順。我們要銘記抗美援朝戰爭的艱辛歷程和偉大勝利,敢于鬥爭、善于鬥爭,知難而進、堅韌向前,把新時代中國特色社會主義偉大事業不斷推向前進。

To engrave into our memories the great victory and to push the great cause, we must uphold the CPC’s leadership, and with the party, forge even greater strength. The victory in the war to resist the U.S. and to aid Korea proved once again that there is no political force that would be a match to the CPC which struggles for the national rejuvenation, the people’s happiness, not hesitating to spill blood, sacrifices its life, doesn’t spare any effort, and unites the masses of hundred millions, leading them continuously toward victory. As long as we don’t forget what got us started, as long as we keep our mission in mind, promote the new great project of party construction with a self-reformative spirit, constantly enhance the party’s leadership strength, its ideologically guiding role, its ability to organize the masses, the power to rally support from within society, the party will always be the most reliable and strongest backbone of the Chinese people!

銘記偉大勝利,推進偉大事業,必須堅持中國共産黨領導,把黨鍛造得更加堅強有力。抗美援朝戰爭偉大勝利再次證明,沒有任何一支政治力量能像中國共産黨這樣,為了民族復興、人民幸福,不惜流血犧牲,不懈努力奮鬥,團結凝聚億萬群眾不斷走向勝利。只要我們不忘初心、牢記使命,以自我革命精神全面推進黨的建設新的偉大工程,不斷增強黨的政治領導力、思想引領力、群眾組織力、社會號召力,就一定能夠使黨始終成為中國人民最可靠、最堅強的主心骨!

To engrave into our memories the great victory and to advance the great cause, we must adhere to putting the people first, serving the people and relying on the people in all matters. History is created by the people. The power of the Communist Party of China, the power of the people’s military forces has its foundations among the people. We must persevere with the fundamental objective of serving the people with heart and soul, gain advantages for the people, seek the people’s profit, do our duty for the people, assume responsibility for the people, with the people’s yearning for a better future as the unswerving goal of the struggle, and always maintain the ties of flesh and blood with the masses. As long as we adhere to the people’s position and the people’s supremacy, we will definitely arouse a force that can’t be overcome, and definitely keep writing marvelous and magnificent chapters of the great Chinese rejuvenation!

銘記偉大勝利,推進偉大事業,必須堅持以人民為中心,一切為了人民、一切依靠人民。歷史是人民創造的。中國共産黨的力量,人民軍隊的力量,根基在人民。我們要堅持全心全意為人民服務的根本宗旨,為民謀利,為民盡責,為民擔當,把人民對美好生活的向往作為始終不渝的奮鬥目標,始終保持黨同人民群眾的血肉聯係。只要我們始終堅持人民立場、人民至上,就一定能夠激發出無往而不勝的強大力量,就一定能夠不斷書寫中華民族偉大復興的精彩華章!

To engrave into our memories the great victory and to advance the great cause, we must uphold and promote economic and social development, and continuously expand our country’s comprehensive national power. Those who fall behind will be beaten, and only development can lead to self-strengthening. Ever since New China was founded over seventy years ago, our country has spent decades to complete what developed countries did in centuries, and created a development miracle that caught global attention. Currently, our country is entering a new stage of development, facing new opportunities and challenges. As long as we plan and promote the integration of the five dimensions as a whole, coordinate and promote the “four comprehensives‘” strategy, unswervingly implement the new development concept, and build a new development pattern, we can certainly achieve development of a higher quality which is more efficient, fairer, more sustainable and safer, making the world gasp in admiration!

銘記偉大勝利,推進偉大事業,必須堅持推進經濟社會發展,不斷壯大我國綜合國力。落後就要挨打,發展才能自強。新中國成立70多年來,我國用幾十年時間走完了發達國家幾百年走過的發展歷程,創造了舉世矚目的發展奇跡。當前,我國將進入新發展階段,面對新機遇新挑戰,只要我們統籌推進“五位一體”總體布局、協調推進“四個全面”戰略布局,堅定不移貫徹新發展理念,構建新發展格局,就一定能夠實現更高質量、更有效率、更加公平、更可持續、更為安全的發展,不斷創造讓世界驚嘆的更大奇跡!

To engrave into our memories the great victory and to advance the great cause, we must accelerate the promotion of national defense and military modernization, and comprehensively build the People’s Army into a globally front-ranking army. Without a strong army, there can be no strong motherland. To uphold and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics, development and security must be planned as a whole. The country must be made wealthy, and the army must be made strong. The party of the new era‘s ideology to strengthen the army must be implemented, the military thrust of the new era must be implemented, the party’s absolute leadership over the People’s Army be persevered with without the slightest sway, the army be politically built, the army be strengthened through reform, through science, through talent, and the army must be ruled by law, its defense of the country’s sovereignty be comprehensively improved, the benefits of its strategic abilities be developed [questionable translation – JR], so as to better fulfill the People’s Army’s mission and duties in the new era. As long as we we keep up with the times in strengthening national defense and building the army, progress and stride forward in accordance with the party’s goals for strengthening the army, it will certainly be able to provide even stronger strategic support for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation!

銘記偉大勝利,推進偉大事業,必須加快推進國防和軍隊現代化,把人民軍隊全面建成世界一流軍隊。沒有一支強大的軍隊,就不可能有強大的祖國。堅持和發展中國特色社會主義,必須統籌發展和安全、富國和強軍。要貫徹新時代黨的強軍思想,貫徹新時代軍事戰略方針,毫不動搖堅持黨對人民軍隊的絕對領導,堅持政治建軍、改革強軍、科技強軍、人才強軍、依法治軍,全面提高捍衛國家主權、安全、發展利益的戰略能力,更好履行新時代人民軍隊使命任務。只要我們與時俱進加強國防和軍隊建設,向著黨在新時代的強軍目標闊步前行,就一定能夠為實現中華民族偉大復興提供更為堅強的戰略支撐!

To engrave into our memories the great victory and to advance the great cause, we must protect global peace and justice and promote the building of a common-destiny community of mankind. The Chinese nation has always upheld the concept of “close and fair to your neighbor”. As a major responsible country, China holds fast to all of mankind’s values of peace, development, fairness, justice, democracy and freedom, perseveres with the comprehensive governance concept of joint discussion, joint construction and shared benefit. China unswervingly follows the road of peaceful development, cooperative development and common development. As long as we adhere to the road of peaceful development and promote the building of a common-destiny community of mankind together with all countries and peoples, we will certainly invite mankind’s beautiful future of peace and development!

銘記偉大勝利,推進偉大事業,必須維護世界和平和正義,推動構建人類命運共同體。中華民族歷來秉持“親仁善鄰”的理念。作為負責任大國,中國堅守和平、發展、公平、正義、民主、自由的全人類共同價值,堅持共商共建共享的全球治理觀,堅定不移走和平發展、開放發展、合作發展、共同發展道路。只要堅持走和平發展道路,同各國人民一道推動構建人類命運共同體,就一定能夠迎來人類和平與發展的美好未來!

Comrades and friends!

同志們、朋友們!

The world belongs to all the people of the world, the problems and challenges the world is facing require the collaboration of the people from all countries, a search for solutions hand in hand, and only mutually beneficial cooperation is the word’s correct path. In today’s world, unilateralism, protectionism and extreme egoism absolutely don’t work! No continuation in one’s own ways, as the only one who deserves to be honored, no way and behavior of hegemony and bullying, can work! Not only does it not work, but in the end, it will inevitably be a dead-end road!

世界是各國人民的世界,世界面臨的困難和挑戰需要各國人民同舟共濟、攜手應對,和平發展、合作共贏才是人間正道。當今世界,任何單邊主義、保護主義、極端利己主義,都是根本行不通的!任何訛詐、封鎖、極限施壓的方式,都是根本行不通的!任何我行我素、唯我獨尊的行徑,任何搞霸權、霸道、霸淩的行徑,都是根本行不通的!不僅根本行不通,最終必然是死路一條!

China has, all along, pursued a defensive national defense policy, and the Chinese military have always been a resolute force to maintain global peace. China will never proclaim itself hegemon, it won’t expand, and it will resolutely oppose hegemony and power politics. We will not sit and watch national sovereignty, security, and development interests being harmed, and we won’t allow anyone or any force to violate and break up our motherland’s sacred territory. Once such a serious situation occurs, the Chinese people will inevitably deliver a frontal assault!

中國一貫奉行防禦性國防政策,中國軍隊始終是維護世界和平的堅定力量。中國永遠不稱霸、不擴張,堅決反對霸權主義和強權政治。我們決不會坐視國家主權、安全、發展利益受損,決不會允許任何人任何勢力侵犯和分裂祖國的神聖領土。一旦發生這樣的嚴重情況,中國人民必將予以迎頭痛擊!

Comrades and friends!

同志們、朋友們!

As we are looking back to the great war to aid Korea and resist the U.S., and carrying out new great historic struggles, as we are looking forward to the shining prospect of the Chinese nation’s great rejuvenation, we are imcomparatively resolute and self-confident. Let us unite even more inseparably and closely around the party’s central committee, enhance the great spirit of aiding Korea and resisting the U.S., valiantly continue to march forward, toward the new order of comprehensively building a modern socialist country, toward bringing about China’s dream of the Chinese nation’s great of rejuvenation!

回望70年前偉大的抗美援朝戰爭,進行具有許多新的歷史特點的偉大鬥爭,瞻望中華民族偉大復興的光明前景,我們無比堅定、無比自信。讓我們更加緊密地團結在黨中央周圍,弘揚偉大抗美援朝精神,雄赳赳、氣昂昂,向著全面建設社會主義現代化國家新徵程,向著實現中華民族偉大復興的中國夢,繼續奮勇前進!

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Notes

*) 偉大飛躍 / 伟大飞跃, not to be confused with the “Great Leap Forward” – JR

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