Archive for March 18th, 2011

Friday, March 18, 2011

Hu Jintao’s Condolences: Across a Narrow Strip of Water

[Main Link: Enorth, March 18, 2011 / Xinhua Net]

According to the foreign ministry’s website, state chairman Hu Jintao went to the Japanese embassy in Beijing on March 18 in the afternoon to express condolences for the victims of the “3-11” earthquake. He and ambassador Uichiro Niwa also had a short meeting. On the behalf of the Chinese government and people, Hu Jintao gave his regards to ambassador Uichiro Niwa and the Japanese people, and expressed condolences to the victims. Hu Jintao said that China and Japan were friendly neighbors, across a narrow strip of water between them*) (中日两国是一衣带水的友好近邻). The Chinese government and people were actively supporting earthquake relief efforts in Japan, and would continue to provide all necessary help. He  wished the Japanese people that they would soon overcome the difficulties, and that they could rebuild their homes shortly. China is very concerned about the safety of Chinese citizens’ in Japan. After the “3-11” earthquake, the Japanese government actively helped the Chinese citizens in Japan. The Chinese side expressed its sincere thanks.

Hu Jintao signs book of condolences at Japanese embassy in Beijing (click photo for Xinwen Lianbo news on YouTube)

Hu Jintao signs book of condolences at Japanese embassy in Beijing (click photo for Xinwen Lianbo news on YouTube)

[All statements in this second paragraph are quoting the Japanese ambassador.] Uichiro Niwa said that after the “3-14” earthquake occured, H. E. Hu Jintao had [contacted] H. M. the Emperor [致电, which can mean either a phonecall, or, more likely, a telegram], wishing the Japanese people that they would soon overcome the difficulties, and that they could rebuild their homes shortly. The Chinese government had provided material assistance to Japan, and quickly dispatched an international rescue team to actively carry out rescue work. Many Chinese people had also expressed condolences to the Japanese side. With support from the international community, Japan was carrying out disaster relief. The Japanese government would  ensure the safety of Chinese citizens in Japan and make every effort to provide them with support and help. The Japanese side wanted to keep close contact and communication with the Chinese side.

State councillor Dai Bingguo (戴秉国), foreign minister Yang Jiechi (杨洁篪), vice minister of commerce Gao Hucheng (高虎城), the Chinese People’s Association for Friendship with Foreign Countries’ (CPAFFC, 对外友协会) president Chen Haosu (陈昊苏) and others accompanied [Hu Jintao] to condole and to take part in the meeting.


*) 一衣带水 yī yī dài shuǐ : the term expresses that even if there is something separating between two sides, it doesn’t create a great distance, and isn’t as broad as to discourage contacts (指虽有江河湖海相隔,但距离不远,不足以成为交往的阻碍) –

China’s Hu offers Condolences, Kyodo News, March 18, 2011
Greying Protest Elegy, December 11, 2010

Friday, March 18, 2011

“Dalai”, Wenchuan 2008: “Cold and Detached Gloating”

A specter is haunting the Chat Rooms

A specter is haunting the Chat Rooms

Tibet Net (中国西藏网) reacted on March 17, to this year’s March 10 statement by Tibet’s spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama. The editorial has since been republished by a number of other websites, such as Enorth (Tianjin) and Xinhua Net. Titled “Can the Seeds of Hatred bear the Fruit of Harmony?”, the editorial condemns the Dalai Lama’s statement as the usual triad (三段式文风) of  “discrediting China and its Tibet policy, inciting Tibetans at home and abroad to resist the Chinese Communist Party, and calling on the international community for support” (“抹黑中国和西藏政策、挑动境内外藏人反抗中共、呼吁国际社会支持”). The word Statement (声明) itself, – for the Dalai Lama’s March 10 statement -, is also put between quotation marks in the editorial. In addition to the above triad, the Dalai Lama had also said that while contacts between Han Chinese and Tibetans abroad were bearing fruits (取得成果), Tibetans at home should also create the conditions to strengthen contacts and understanding with Han Chinese compatriots.

[Main Link: Enorth, March 18, 2011all links within quotations added during translationJR]

In the second paragraph, the editorial condemns, in the usual words, the uprising of March 10, 2008, recalls the 2008 Olympic torch relay, and the Dalai’s cold and detached gloating after the Wenchuan earthquake disaster*) of May 12, 2008 (5月12日四川汶川大地震后达赖的冷漠和达赖集团的幸灾乐祸). All that hadn’t only made

the whole country gradually understand the true face of the Dalai clique, but it also gave some overseas Chinese with  some previous illusions about the Dalai a startling awakening. It was exactly the Dalai cliques ample performance in 2008 which made the sons and daughters of the Chinese people conscientiously examine the Dalai’s real face, behind his trademark smile, and to begin to expose the Dalai cliques indecency, to raise their voices at home and abroad in a powerful counterattack against the Dalai clique’s splittist words and deeds, and the Western media’s rumorous and defaming torrent. (… 不仅让全国人民进一步看清了达赖集团的真实面目,还使一些过去对达赖还抱有些许幻想的海外华侨华人也幡然惊醒。正是达赖集团在2008年的充分表演,促使全体中华儿女认真审视达赖那张招牌式笑脸下面遮盖的真实面目,开始揭挖达赖集团的丑行,在境内外掀起了声势浩大的反击达赖集团分裂言行和西方媒体造谣诬蔑的声浪。)

This had left a deep impression on many Western politicians, who had supported the Dalai clique, writes the editorial. It describes the Dalai clique‘s approach to strengthening Tibetan-Han exchanges as an attempt to repair its image among the Chinese people and overseas Chinese. The clique had painstakenly (or sedulously, 刻意) chosen some people with bad feelings (不满) towards the government to act as “Han representatives” to twitter their regards to Liu Xiaobo (刘晓波), to indicate that the Dalai Lama didn’t oppose “Han people”, and actually attached importance to “Tibetan-Han relations”. At the same time, the clique had recruited outside insurgents, establishing the Tibetan-Han Friendship Association and some “Han-Tibetan forums” to urge proposals for “Tibetan independence”.

These measures had, however, shown hardly any effect outside some network connections, and the resistance and opposition of overseas Chinese against the Dalai Lama kept growing, notes the editorial.

In his “five-point peace program”, within his “Middle Way”, he said openly that he would expel all Han people from Tibet. In his March 10 2008 statement, the Dalai said “in these nearly sixty years, “all of Tibet’s Tibetans lived under the oppression of the Chinese people”, “have become an insignificant minority in their own country”, and had been “rapidly assimilated by the outnumbering population”. (在他公布的“中间道路”范本——1987年“五点和平方案”中,就公然宣称要把所有汉人赶出西藏。达赖在他2008年3月10日的声明中称,“在将近60年以来,全西藏的藏人在中国人的压迫下生活”,“藏族人降低为在自己的国家里无关紧要的少数民族,迅速被人口更加众多的中华民族所同化”。)

Where then, asks the editorial, would be a shadow of long-term mutual benefit between the Han and Tibetan nationalities? The “Dalai” wasn’t only inciting confrontation between nationalities, but, in a still more sinister way, used schools operated in India to make a young generation of Tibetans (“Tibetan compatriots”, 年轻一代藏胞), born outside China, believe in the same ideas, so that confrontation and hatred would continue. The editorial then quotes from a Tibetan activist‘s blog, Tenzin Tsundue, dated August 29, 2009, which I find hard to translate, and  of which I’m not sure if he is quoted correctly. Tsundue seems to discuss the same topic in an interview with the Daily Star, published on December 2003:

It is such a tragedy that the first thing you learned as a child was that you do not belong here and that you cannot own anything here. My parents escaped into India in 1960 after the Chinese occupation of Tibet. We were constantly told that we would return one day and that the life in exile was temporary. My school years in 1980s and 1990s were spent in anxiety to grow up fast to do something in the freedom struggle. Today I am an activist. My writings are my expressions. As a kid I killed many Chinese soldiers in our Chinese-Tibetan war games. I used to go door-to-door in our refugee camp to call people for our village meetings. I was already an activist. I was born a refugee. I was born to fight for such a noble cause.

The editorial apparently attributes the war games referred to by Tsundue as part of the exile-Tibetan school curriculum, and goes on to portray life among the exiles as afflicted by anti-Chinese paranoia.

The Dalai Lama seemed to be happy with this state of affairs, as he continued to refer to the 2008 protests as non-violent, and that a younger generation had inherited the sincerity and courage to continue the Tibetan cause in his March 10, 2011 statement. The editorial then refers to a speech by the Dalai Lama of February 9, at Taj Mahal Hotel in Bombay (Mumbai), where he is quoted as saying that in the 2008 incident, including Tibetans older than ten years, 99 percent of Tibetans had participated, for the benefit of their nationality, which had marked a great turning point in thought.

The editorial was first published on March 17, seven days after the Tibetan protests’ third anniversary.

The editorial ends with a Martin Luther King jr. quote, that a good purpose couldn’t be achieved by evil means, and suggests that hate education and the “seeds of confrontation” the Dalai Lama was sowing could not bear harmonious fruits, and showed the hypocrisy in his exchange approach between Tibetan and Han people.

It seems noteworthy that the editorial doesn’t explicitly accuse the Dalai Lama as having given a starting signal to the 2008 protests. If any such connection is suggested, the term “Dalai clique”, which can – ultimately, in the minds of state security or Han nationalists – refer to almost everything Tibetan, is used instead.


Note / Update
*) Indifference is attributed to the Dalai Lama (达赖的冷漠); and gloating to the Dalai clique (达赖集团的幸灾乐祸).

Dolkar Tso thanks Samdrup’s Lawyers, June 26, 2010
“Concerning Traitors”, August 25, 2009
“Serf Emancipation Day”, March 28, 2009
Wen Jiabao: “You may refer to the five-point proposal…”, March 13, 2009

Letter from a Birmingham Jail, MLK jr., April 16, 1963


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