Posts tagged ‘Mao Zedong’

Tuesday, June 10, 2014

Obituary: Liang Guoju, 1947 – 2014

The website of the Communist Party of China reports the death of Liang Guoju (梁国聚): an outstanding member of the CCP, a long-tested and loyal warrior for Communism, former secretary of the [Guangdong] provincial party committee, and one of the deputy chairpersons of the 9th and 10th provincial political consultative conferences. The central CCP website takes the information from Nanfang Daily (南方日报), the official Guangdong Communist Party newspaper. A database at Taiwan’s National Chengchi University provides some more details about Liang. Information is based on this database if not otherwise stated.

Liang was born October 1947, with Boye County, Hebei Province as his ancestral home. Education (not necessarily re-education) through labor in November 1968 (參加工作).

Liang apparently started his career in 1968, in Panyu, now a district within Guangzhou, at what was the Lianhuashan People’s Commune (莲花山公社) at the time. He worked there as an announcer at the commune’s propaganda station. He became a cadre at Foshan Area Bureau of Public Security (PSB) in 1970, a post he held until 1976. He joined the CCP in August 1973 and became pre-trial and technical investigation department deputy section chief at the same area bureau of public security in 1976. It was during that time that he also studied sociology and law at Sun Yat-sen University in Guangzhou, from September 1982 to July 1984, in what can probably be best described as specialized courses for active cadres (Chinese: 幹部專修科學習). After heading a PSB branch office in 1984/85, he became deputy director of the Foshan PSB, plus the unit’s deputy secretary of the party committee. He became the unit’s director and secretary of the party committee in 1991. In July 1998, he became deputy director of the CCP Guangdong department of public security, and deputy chairman of the political consultative conference of Guangdong Province. He had apparently become Guangdong’s police chief by summer 2000.

Liang apparently rose in the wake of Chen Shaoji (陈绍基), a Guangdong native in the public security service. Chen’s career came to a sudden end in 2009, amidst allegations of severely violating party discipline, while Liang remained Guangdong political consultative conference deputy chairman until January 2011, when he stepped down, having reached the age limit, according to Baike Baidu.

Liang Guoju died in Guangzhou, on June 7, aged 67.

Monday, September 2, 2013

Chairman Xi, Braving the Wind and the Rain in Shenyang Military Region

The following is a translation of the top news of CCTV’s main newscast, Xinwen Lianbo, aired on August 30. Links within the translation added during translation.

Main Link: Xi Jinping visits Shenyang Military Region (习近平视察沈阳战区部队)

CCTV online news (Xinwen Lianbo): On the eve of the National Games of the People’s Republic of China‘s opening ceremony, CCP Secretary General, State Chairman, and Central Military Commission Chairman Xi Jinping paid a special inspection visit to the Shenyang combat zone troops. He emphasized that the implementation of the party’s goal of a strong army under new circumstances needed to be deepened, that the building of the troops needed to be comprehensively strengthened, that the ability to perform missions and responsibilities needed to be improved, to make yet bigger new contributions.

央视网消息(新闻联播):中共中央总书记、国家主席、中央军委主席习近平在出席十二届全运会开幕式 前夕,专门视察了沈阳战区部队。他强调,要深入贯彻落实党在新形势下的强军目标,加强部队全面建设,不断提高履行使命任务能力,为维护国家主权、安全、发 展利益作出新的更大贡献。

Xi Jinping has always shown great interest in the construction and crew training of China’s first aircraft carrier. In the morning of August 28, after getting off the plane, he braved the wind and the rain and came to the Naval Aircraft Integrated Testing and Training Base, watched the carrier-based aircrafts taking off from ski-jump ramps, landing-blocking training, and inspected relevant equipment on the ground. On seeing the pilots completing all kinds of trainings very efficiently, Xi Jinping was most happy and applauded them enthusiastically. Xi Jinping cordially received the first batch of officers on board, the test pilots, and the pilots of the carrier-based aircraft, and strongly appreciated the excellent skills and virtuosity shown by the pilots under complex weather conditions. Xi Jinping also listened closely to an introduction of the carrier-based aircrafts’ design and functions, required the technicians in charge to conscientiously analyse the aircraft test flight data, and to climb to the top of science and technology. On leaving, he encouraged everyone to make persistent efforts, to deepen their studies, to learn diligently and to train proficiency, tp become excellent carrier-based aircraft pilots soon.

习近平一直十分关心我国第一艘航空母舰建设和部队训练。28日上午,他一下飞机就冒着风雨来到海军某舰载机综合 试验训练基地,观看舰载机滑跃起飞、阻拦着陆训练,实地察看有关设备。看到飞行员们干净利落完成了各项训练科目,习近平十分高兴,为他们热情鼓掌。习近平 亲切接见了首批上舰指挥员、试飞员和舰载机飞行员,高度赞赏飞行员在复杂气象条件下表现出的过硬本领和精湛技艺。习近平还仔细听取了舰载机设计和性能介 绍,要求有关科技人员认真分析战机试飞数据,不断攀登科技高峰。临别时,他勉励大家再接再厉、深入钻研、勤学精练,早日成为优秀的航母舰载机飞行员。

On that day in the afternoon, again through wind and rain, Xi Jinping went to Dalian, to board the “Liaoning” naval vessel there. The military flag fluttered in the wind, the sailors stood in good order and the “Liaoning” greeted a moment of glory. Xi Jinping inspected the guard of honor, then climbed up a ladder, then to the hangar, the battle stations, he inspected the equipment and facilities, enquired about the technical and tactical performance, and about the officers’ and men training situation. Xi Jinping showed great concern for logistical support, accomodation [of the crew], food, medical care, and asked detailed questions. He accepted the ship emblem and ship cap, carefully prepared by the sailors, and solemnly signed his name in the logbook. At parting time, Xi entered the gangway, affectionately waved to the sailors, told the ship captain and political commissar to be mindful of their duties, not to dishonor their mission, to shape combat effectiveness and security effectiveness soon, and to make their contributions to a powerful People’s Navy.

当天下午,习近平又风雨兼程赶往大连,登上停泊 在大连港的辽宁舰。军旗迎风飘扬,水兵整齐列队,辽宁舰迎来了一个庄严光荣的时刻。习近平检阅了水兵仪仗队,随后攀舷梯、下机库,深入舱室战位,察看舰上 装备设施,询问技战术性能,了解官兵工作训练情况。习近平十分关心舰上官兵后勤保障情况,住宿、饮食、看病等,他问得很详细。习近平接受了水兵们精心准备 的舰徽、舰帽,郑重在航泊日志上签名。离别时,习近平登上舷梯,向水兵们深情挥手,他叮嘱辽宁舰舰长和政委,你们要牢记职责,不辱使命,早日形成战斗力和 保障力,为建设强大的人民海军做贡献。

On the afternoon of August 29th, Xi Jinping visited the Shenyang Military Region authorities, received officers from the divisional level upwards, and heard the Shenyang Military Region work report. Xi Jinping fully affirmed the achievements made in the building of Shenyang Military Region troops during recent years. He emphasized that the implementation of the party’s goal of a strong army under new circumstances was related to national defense and the overall situation of troop building, and the army’s performance of their missions and responsibilities.  We need to persist in the deep implementation of the goal of a strong army in the building of the troops, vigorously promote the learning and education of the goal of a strong army, uphold the connection between theory and practice, make good use of transformation, to make it a strong driving force for strengthen the comprehensive building of the troops, deepening the reform and innovation of the troops, and for promoting military preparedness. Always hold on to and listen to this spirit of a strong army under the party’s command, by active work on your own initiative, to occupy the troops ideological, cultural, and public-opinion position. Make sure about the troops’ loyalty, absolute purity [or honesty], absolute reliability, so that they always, under all circumstances, firmly obey the party’s central committee and the central military commission. The party committees on all levels must play a leading role at the core in the realization of the goal of a strong army. They must lend efforts to improving the standards of scientific decision-making, democratic decision-making, and of decision-making in accordance with the law. The implementation of the goal of a strong army must be expanded to the grassroots and the most outlying points, the enthusiasm, self-initiative, and creativity of officers and soldiers for the realization of the goal of a strong army be brought into play, to firmly build the solid foundatoin for the goal of a strong army.

29日下午, 习近平来到沈阳军区机关,接见驻沈阳部队师以上干部,听取沈阳军区工作汇报。习近平对近年来沈阳军区部队建设取得的成绩给予充分肯定。他强调,贯彻落实党 在新形势下的强军目标,关系国防和军队建设全局,关系我军有效履行使命任务。要坚持在部队建设中深入贯彻落实强军目标,大力推进强军目标学习教育,坚持理 论联系实际,搞好转化运用,使之成为加强部队全面建设、深化部队改革创新、推进军事斗争准备的强劲动力。要始终扭住听党指挥这个强军之魂,以积极主动的工 作占领部队思想阵地、文化阵地、舆论阵地,确保部队绝对忠诚、绝对纯洁、绝对可靠,任何时候任何情况下都坚决听从党中央、中央军委指挥。各级党委要发挥在 实现强军目标中的核心领导作用,着力提高科学决策、民主决策、依法决策水平。要推动贯彻落实强军目标向基层拓展、向末端延伸,发挥广大官兵为实现强军目标 而奋斗的积极性、主动性、创造性,切实打牢实现强军目标的坚实基础。

Xi Jinping emphasized that there is the need to continue the in-depth construction of the army style in accordance with rising standards, to achieve a fundamental improvement in the building of the army style. In accordance with the general requirements of “looking in the mirror, tidying our attire, taking a bath and curing our diseases”, concentrate on the continuous solution of the four working-style problems of formalism, bureaucratism, hedonism and extravagance, aim at the problems, we must do a good job in rectification, and make sure that special rectification achieves real effects. We must keep the doors open and engage in activities, work and pull together to solve problems, and, achieve solid education. From top to bottom, we must maintain our grasp, one level on the other, and one level leading the other in [the process of] change. We must establish a scientific and reasonable set of rules and regulations, and promote the working-style normalization and durability. Other tasks must be accomplished at the same time with strengthening the work style, with scientific coordination, organic combination [the term might come close to synergy effects], grasping two links at the same time and being mindful of advancing both of them.

习近平强调,要坚持按照标准更高、走在前列的要求不断把部队作风建设引向深入,努力实现 作风建设根本性好转。要按照“照镜子、正衣冠、洗洗澡、治治病”的总要求,集中精力持续解决“四风”问题,针对问题抓好整改,确保专项整治取得实实在在的 成效。要坚持开门搞活动,群策群力把问题解决好、把教育实践活动搞扎实。要坚持自上而下抓,一级抓一级,一级带着一级改。要建立一整套科学合理的法规制 度,推动作风建设常态化长效化。要把加强作风建设同完成其他各项工作任务结合起来,科学统筹、有机融合,做到两手抓、两促进。

Xi Jinping pointed out that support for local economic construction needed to be made an important task, that a good job at supporting the poor and the hardship-stricken, assistance for students and education, medical support, the building of a new [rural] countryside etc. needed to be done. The fields and scopes of integration of the military and civilians needed to be expanded, the defense economy and society’s economy be promoted, military-use and civilian-use technology, army talents and local talents be developed in mutually compatible ways. Support and participation in the construction of local ecological civilization, combined military-civilian efforts in good protection and development of the fertile white mountains and the black water [characteristics of northeastern China, which Liaoning province with its capital Shenyang is part of] was needed.

习 近平指出,要把支援地方经济建设作为一项重要任务,深入做好扶贫帮困、助学兴教、医疗扶持、支援新农村建设等工作。要拓展军民融合的领域和范围,积极推进 国防经济和社会经济、军用技术和民用技术、部队人才和地方人才兼容发展。要支持和参加地方生态文明建设,军民合力把美丽、富饶的白山黑水保护好、发展好。

Finally, Xi Jinping emphasized that right now, the Shenyang Military Region troops needed to play a role as the main force and a shock brigade in flood-relief efforts, protect the safety of the people’s possessions and the fruits of its economic construction. Security and supporting tasks for the 12th National Games needed to be fulfilled meticulously, to make an active contribution to “safe and peaceful National Games”.  Fan Changlong, Wang Huning, Li Zhanshu and Wu Shengli, Liu Xiaojiang, Wang Jiaocheng and Chu Yimin took part in the relevant activities [of Xi Jinping’s visit].

习近平最后强调,当前,沈阳军区部队要在抗洪抢险斗中发挥主力军和突击队作用,保护人民财产安全和经济建设成果。要精心做好第十二届全运会有关安保和支援任务,为实现“平安全运”积极贡献力量。范长龙、王沪宁、栗战书和吴胜利、刘晓江、王教成、褚益民参加有关活动。

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Related

» Military Pop, August 1, 2013
» Quietly like the Rain, July 25, 2013
» Braving the Tide and Sky, Oct 6, 2012
» The Soldiers’ Haircuts, March 10, 2012

Thursday, August 1, 2013

The Tianjin Cultural Front, unconstrained by Minor Matters

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1. Military Pop

Update [20130803]: the show in full on youtube ——–>

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Tianjin Satellite Television is going to broadcast a tribute show to celebrate the founding anniversary of the “People’s Liberation Army”. Han Hong (韩红), a singer and songwriter of Han Chinese and Tibetan origin and host of the show, explains in an Enorth (Tianjin) article of August 1 that

through the army songs, we want to communicate to young people how the two words “military people” are sacred. […] Some people have doubts how a theme like ‘Resonant Army Songs’ can be close to young people. I’m particularly looking forward to kids born after 1980 and 1990 singing army songs together. This will bring about a completely new feeling.

我们就是要通过军歌告诉年轻人,‘军人’两字是怎么样的神圣。 […] 有人会疑惑‘军歌嘹亮’这样一个主题会不会离现在的年轻人有点远,我特别期待80后、90后的孩子们一起来唱军歌,一定会带来一个全新的感觉。

According to Baike Baidu, Han Hong is a member of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC). Her father’s nationality is Han, and he had been among the young people who were sent to the countryside during the Cultural Revolution, to learn from the rural population. In 2009, Han Hong joined the political department of the Air Force Art Troupe (or song and dance ensemble) and has since served as the department’s deputy director. Her fans believe that her voice comes across as naturally as Sarah Brightman‘s, but those who (strongly) dislike her find her style artificial.

Han Hong is joined by four commenters (not quite a jury, as competition isn’t meant to be at the center of the show): Zhou Xiao’ou (周晓欧), Man Wenjun (满文军), Li Danyang (李丹阳), and Cai Guoqing (蔡国庆).

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2. Miltary Movie

In June, Xiao Huaiyuan (肖怀远), Tianjin Municipal Standing Committee of the CCP and the Committee’s propaganda department director, described his impressions from a visit to the production of a television series “Way-finding” (“寻路”), a film about the history of the CCP   which enthusiastically sings the praises of Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Zhu De and other members of the old revolutionary generation who sought the correct path for China’s revolution in bloody struggles, their strong will and foresight […] (热情赞颂了毛泽东、周恩来、朱德等老一辈革命家为了探寻中国革命正确之路而浴血奋斗的坚强意志和远见卓识 […..]).

“Way-finding” strictly respected historical truth (严格尊重历史真实) and followed the principle of not falsifying the major events, but being unconstrained by minor matters (大事不虚、小事不拘), Xiao Huaiyuan wrote in an article for People’s Daily (人民日报), republished by Enorth on June 20.

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Related

» Regulating the Talent Shows, Channel News Asia, July 26, 2013
» Perfect Revolutionaries leave nothing to chance, Dec 2, 2010

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Thursday, July 25, 2013

Xi Jinping’s New Work Style in Action

There were no formalities and extravaganzas when Xi Jinping revisited Zhengding Town in Hebei Province on July 11, Hebei Daily (via Enorth, Tianjin) reported. No police motorcades, only two small or medium-sized buses, quietly like the rain (雨悄没声). And Xi even recognized the party branch secretary in the village from his first visit, in 2008.

Later, the party and state leader “spontaneously” visited a family:

“The General Secretary has come to our home”, 18-year-old Jie Jinkai wrote on QQ. The General Secretary had randomly chosen Jin’s family to visit there. “Village cadres knocked on the door, and the General Secretary just came in. I was on the internet, my younger sister was watching television, and Grandma, Mum and Dad were busy with other things – I couldn’t believe my eyes.”

“总书记来我家了。”这是18岁的解金凯11日更新的QQ签名。总书记是随机选择来到他家的。“村干部敲开门,总书记就走了进来。当时我正在上网,妹妹正在看电视,奶奶、爸爸、妈妈都在忙着别的事,当时简直不敢相信自己的眼睛。”

The kids airing their heels, and Granny working her ass off: this was extremely realistically choreographed moderate-prosperity stuff, and the message was clear: The party’s new work style is in full swing, with modesty, cloeseness to the masses, small meals, and small people.

Xi Jinping listens closely and conscientiously takes notes - CCTV evening news (Wednesday) on a conference with provincial leaders in Wuhan, Hunan Province. Click picture for video.

Xi Jinping listens closely and conscientiously takes notes – CCTV evening news (Wednesday) on a conference with provincial leaders in Wuhan, Hunan Hubei Province.
Click picture for video.

Xi speaking, cadres taking notes - CCTV evening news on Wednesday.

Xi speaking, cadres taking notes – CCTV evening news on Wednesday.

Will President Xi Jinping turn out to be a reformer in the vein of Taiwan’s Chiang Ching-kuo, the South China Morning Post (SCMP, Hong Kong) asked on July 18. Or will he walk a more conservative path, becoming a leader in the mould of Communist Party helmsman Mao Zedong?

Conventional wisdom has it that a new leader needs to consolidate power before making decisive political moves (if he has any on his mind). But the SCMP quoted members of liberal circles in China who believe the opposite: that Xi could only move before his successor (who would only succeed him in about nine or ten years, if you go by the experience of Jiang Zemin or Hu Jintao) becomes known. That’s to say, Xi’s window of opportunity would be during his first five-year term.

But rather, the SCMP quoted another liberal, Xi had moved to the “left”, i. e. Maoist tradition.

On July 19, People’s Daily (online) reported on Xi’s activities as chairman of the Central Military Commission. The CMC is both an organ of the party and the state, and formally, they are therefore two different bodies. However, membership of both of them is identical, and only during the transition between Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping, when Xi had become the CCP’s general secretary, and Hu remained head of state (and therefore the “state CMC”), their functions could count as slightly different from each other.

With Xi’s approval, People’s Daily wrote, the Central Military Commission has recently published the “Army implementation of the Party’s regulations on building the system of incorrupt government”.  (经中央军委主席习近平批准,中央军委日前印发《军队实行党风廉政建设责任制的规定》。)

The “Regulations” thoroughly implement the spirit of the 18th National Congress of the CCP, and under the guidance of the Deng Xiaoping Theory, the important thoughts of the “Three Representatives” [Jiang Zemin] and of scientific development [Hu Jintao] resolutely implement Chairman Xi’s important series of instructions, closely centered around the party’s goal, in the new situation, of a strong military, in accordance with the Central Committee’s and the CMC’s relevant rules concerning
the Party’s regulations on building incorrupt government. [The “Regulations”] combine the troops’ reality, clearly stipulated the concrete responsibilities of all levels within the party committees, of the commissions for discipline inspection of the CCP, and of leading cadres, as well as measures for inspection, supervision, responsibility and investigation.

《规 定》深入贯彻落实党的十八大精神,以邓小平理论、“三个代表”重要思想、科学发展观为指导,坚决贯彻习主席一系列重要指示,紧紧围绕党在新形势下 的强军目标,依据党中央、中央军委关于党风廉政建设的有关规定,结合军队实际,明确规定了各级党委、纪委和领导干部在党风廉政建设中的具体责任,以及检查 监督和责任追究的制度措施。

The CMC requires all levels to thoroughly study the spirit of the 18th National Congress of the CCP, to conscientiously implement the Central Committee’s, the CMC’s and Chairman Xi’s important instructions on incorrupt government and anti-corruption work, conscientiously implement the Politburo’s eight rules of the CPC Central Committee on improving work style and maintaining close contact with the people, and the spirit of the CMC’s ten regulations  for strengthening the work style, centered around the goal of a strong military, to do good work by strictly implementing the Party’s regulations on building incorrupt government. Measures of different forms must be taken for propaganda and education to create a good atmosphere for the implementation of the “Regulations”. The responsibility of the party work style of incorrupt government must be carried out earnestly, and concerted efforts must truly take shape.

中 央军委要求,各级要深入学习贯彻党的十八大精神,认真贯彻党中央、中央军委和习主席关于加强党风廉政建设和反腐败工作的重要指示,认真落实中央政治 局关于改进工作作风、密切联系群众八项规定和中央军委加强自身作风建设十项规定精神,紧紧围绕强军目标,把严格执行党风廉政建设责任制作为一项重要政治任 务切实抓紧抓好。要采取多种形式搞好宣传教育,营造学习贯彻《规定》的良好氛围。要切实履行抓党风廉政建设的责任,真正形成齐抓共管的合力。

Still within the third paragraph, but in bold characters, i. e. emphasized, the People’s Daily article says that

Right from the sources, corruption must be fought, in accordance with the “Regulations”, concrete measures and methods must be improved, systems to control and supervise with complete power must be built, and the power be impounded in a systematic cage. The edcuational activities for the development of the party’s mass line [or ampaign on mass line education and practice] must be deepened, we must concentrate on solving the four working-style problems of formalism, bureaucratism, hedonism and extravagance. Searching our way step by step, 抓铁有痕的劲头, clutching the building of the work style, we must achieve. We must adhere to the principle that where there’s where there is a [criminal? corruption?] case, there needs to be an investigation, where there’s corruption, there needs to be punishment, we must adhere to the principle of striking both at tigers and flies, and conscientiously rectify and deal with our [respective] units’ problems at party work style building, and corruption problems. By strict and impartial discipline, we guarantee the Party’s regulations on building the system of incorrupt government.

要 从源头上有效防治腐败,依据《规定》制定完善具体措施办法,健全权力运行制约和监督体系,把权力关进制度的笼子里。要深入开展党的群众路线教育实践活动, 集中解决形式主义、官僚主义、享乐主义和奢靡之风这“四风”问题,以踏石留印、抓铁有痕的劲头,把作风建设一抓到底、抓出成效。要坚持有案必查、有腐必 惩,坚持“老虎”“苍蝇”一起打,认真纠正并严肃处理本单位在党风廉政建设和反腐败工作中存在的问题,以严明的纪律保证党风廉政建设责任制的贯彻落实。

Not only the liberals quoted by the South China Morning Post on July 18 are pessimistic. Willy Wo-Lap Lam, once himself an SCMP editor, interprets Xi’s language as reminiscent of the Great Helmsman’s masterly blend of the vernacular and the metaphysical. And rather than establishing institutions such as universal-style checks and balances, […] Xi is resorting to Cultural Revolution-era ideological and propaganda campaigns to change of mindset of cadres, observes Lam.

This doesn’t necessarily amount to an allegation that Xi would be a Maoist himself. Rather, independent commissions against corruption might target the alleged wealth of China’s “first families”, not least Xi Jinping’s own family.

Institution-building could pose personal risks. But then, maybe the Xi’s aren’t that rich after all. Or maybe the new work style will truly take shape.

Until then, authority needs to be inherited.

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Related

Ban on new Government Buidlings, Herald Sun / AAP, July 23, 2013

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Updates/Related

Charges against Bo Xilai, BBC, July 25, 2013

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Monday, June 3, 2013

June 4, 1989: the Unsinkable Boat of Stone

Tiananmen Square has a meaning to China – not just Beijing – as deep as the Place de la Bastille‘s for Paris, or that of the Alexanderplatz for Berlin. On 400,000 square meters, Tiananmen Square – according to relevant tourist information – provides space for one million people. That’s how the square has been used – for gatherings ordered by the Chinese Communist Party, when Mao Zedong proclaimed the People’s Republic, for Hua Guofeng‘s eulogy on Mao Zedong in 1976, and for military parades celebrating the People’s Republic’s 35th, 50th, and 60th birthday.

In 1997, on Tiananmen Square, a limited number of people celebrated the return of Hong Kong. The limitation had conjecturable reasons – eight years and four weeks earlier, Chinese army and police troops had quashed a student movement – that movement, too, had its public center in Tiananmen Square.

Ever since 1911, Tiananmen Square had been a place for gatherings outside the scripts of the powers that be. The first, probably, was the May-Fourth movement, sparked by the transfer of formerly German possessions in Shandong Province to Japan, rather than to China, in 1919, after World War One. Chinese intellectuals had begun to perceive their country not just as a civilization, but as a nation, interacting with other nations and falling behind internationally. In 1919, there were no celebrations. There were protests.

The May-Fourth movement has since been canonized. CCP historians see the movement as the beginning of progressive processes during the first half of the 20th century, leading to the CCP’s rise to power. But even Hua Guofeng’s eulogy on Mao, in September 1976, had been preceded by expressions of grief months earlier, in April, for the late chief state councillor Zhou Enlai. The more radical followers of Mao Zedong considered that an affront.

Personal impressions from the 1976 “Tian An Men incident” apparently made Wu Renhua, later a dissident, honor Hu Yaobang with a wreath on Tiananmen Square, in April 1989. Hu Yaobang had just passed away, and some points seem to be noteworthy:

When Hu died, he had been removed as the CCP secretary general for more than two years. Apparently, the party leadership had considered him to be too reform-minded. Expressions of grief from the population might be considered an affront by the party leaders, too, and they probably did, even if it took more than six weeks for the party to put an end to the movement of intellectuals and students in  which Wu Renhua had been taking part.

By then, the movement had long gone beyond their original motivation of honoring Hu Yaobang. Through anti-corruption protest, it had turned into a movement for democracy.

Also, Wu Renhua, then an about thirty-three years old lecturer from the China University of Political Science and Law in Beijing, was part of the movement, but – according to his own account – rather going along with it, than driving it. His actual confrontational attitude towards the CCP  only built after the massacre – an outrage that he had never seemed to expect from his country’s leaders.

And even if the University of Political Science and Law played an important role in the 1989 movement, the Beijing University, the Beida, had the traditional, leading role.

Rivalries among the 1989 dissidents are nothing unusual today. Frequently, they are personal rather than political, accompanied by allegations that X is self-important, that Y is a CCP collaborator, or that Z is remote-controlled by Falun Gong – somehow unpredictable or dangerous.

June 4 has become an unsolved complex in Chinese history. Whoever studied in a major Chinese city in 1989 will know that complex. “Sure”, a Shanghainese told me in the early 1990s, “we were all protesting.” To her, however, the matter was closed with the end of the movement – ostensibly, anyway. Many Chinese people born after 1989 hardly know about the existence of the movement, and among those who do remember it, at least some consider the crackdown a rather lucky outcome: be it because they don’t think that the students were able to handle politics in 1989, be it because they see a foreign conspiracy against China’s stability and China’s rise behind the former movement.

By 2008, a trend had changed. Many Chinese people who used to feel respect for (Western) democracies had changed their mind. Frequently negative coverage by Western media on the Beijing Olympics certainly played a role here – the negative foreign echo was spread selectively, but broadly by Chinese media. Some overseas Chinese in Germany even organized a silent protest against the biased German media who had failed to spread their patriotic message and who had therefore muzzled them. Add how the mighty had fallen in the financial crisis – China’s period of growth still continued, thanks to state stimulus programs that tried to compensate for falling imports by Western economies. Criticism from abroad – that’s how the Chinese public was informed (frequently correctly) – was an expression of foreign envy. The ideas so vigorously discussed in 1989 have given way to the truculent nationalism of new generations, Isabel Hilton noted in 2009.

In 1990, Yang Lian (楊煉), a Chinese poet in exile, published this:

The darker the sky, you say that the boat is old,
the storms it bore are long gone,
it is for us to erase the Self, let the boat of stone rot away.1)

That, of course, is the last thing a boat of stone will do.

What is the role of the 1989 dissidents today? According to C. A. Yeung, an Australian blogger and human rights activist, hardly any role. Dissidents abroad, above all, appear to be out of touch with many activists inside China. This may also be true for Wei Jingsheng, an exiled Chinese who lives in Washington D.C..

Wei wasn’t part of the 1989 movement. At the time, he had been a political prisoner for some ten years. He was only released in 1993, and soon, he was re-arrested. Since 1997, he has been in America.

It requires a strong – and at times probably dogmatic – personality to resist the pressures Wei faced. No confessions, no concessions to the Chinese authorities through all the years of imprisonment. To people like Wei, “foreign interference” in China’s “internal affairs” is no sacrilege, but necessity. Such “interference” may not create space to live for open dissidents in totalitarian countries, but it does, at times, enable dissidents to survive. In that light, it was only logical that Wei attended a hearing of the German federal parliament’s culture and media committee on December 2008, about the alleged proximity of Germany’s foreign broadcaster’s Chinese department (Deutsche Welle, DW)  to the CCP. DW Staff and program should defend human rights and democracy as a matter of principle, Wei demanded.

It turned out that Wei didn’t actually know the DW programs, jeered Xinhua newsagency.  Wei didn’t disagree: “As a matter of fact, I have said from earlier on that I would not listen to the broadcast of the Deutsche Welle’s Chinese service that has been speaking on the CCP’s behalf.”

Such appearances in foreign parliaments may appear fussy, and near-irrelevant. But in 2002, Dutch author and exile observer Ian Buruma had still believed that Chinese dissidents abroad could play a big role:

Let’s say there are suddenly serious splits in the Chinese government. Things start to move rather quickly. All kinds of things are going to happen. And then, it can be that you suddenly need people who know how to operate in Washington, who know which buttons to press and [who] have contacts in Congress, and so on. And this has happened in the case of Taiwan, for example, where you had dissidents in the 60s and 70s who hung around, languished, were considered to be irrelevant until things began to change in Taiwan politically and suddenly, they were important.2)

But maybe, by now, that role has diminuished further – if Buruma’s original observations were correct. Maybe Wei Jingsheng and other dissidents, among them those who had to leave China after June 4, 1989, will play a role similar to the one Wolf Biermann, an East German exile in West Germany, anticipated for himself long before the Berlin Wall came down: at times cheering from the sidelines, providing advice once in a while, but hardly authoritatively. Only on his return to East Germany, Biermann mused, his actual exile would begin, as hardly anyone would recognize him: Dann beginnt erst mein Exil.

The actual historical events of spring 1989 are a different story, however. These days, the CCP neither condemns the events, nor does it condone them. The topic is entirely shunned.

In Hong Kong, people haven’t forgotten. After all, the June-4 crackdown came as a shock for a society that was to return to the motherland eight years and a month later. June 4 is part of tradition there. For many Hong Kong activists who demand more democratic rights for Hong Kongers themselves, solidarity with mainland activists or dissidents is part of their self-image.

The only official evaluation so far: Deng Xiaoping defends his reform policies of economic openness and political repression, June 9, 1989

The only official evaluation so far: Deng Xiaoping defends his reform policies of economic openness and political repression, June 9, 1989 (click picture for video)

In 1995, Deng Xiaoping‘s daughter Deng Rong suggested in an interview with the New York Times  that only later generations could judge the 1989 events. She didn’t know how people thought about it – but my father at least, in his heart, believed that he had no other way.

It may take years before a re-evaluation of the 1989 movements may begin. Or it may only take months. The CCP could initiate one if it feels strong enough, or the citizenry could initiate one if the party gets weaker.

Nobody inside or outside China knows what is being thought about the movement. And many Chinese may only find out what they think once it becomes a topic – when it gets unearthed, gradually or rapidly, in a controlled or spontaneous process.

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Notes

1) Yang Lian: Alte Geschichten (I-IV), Der einzige Hafen des Sommers, aus: Masken und Krokodile, Berlin, Weimar 1994, quoted by Joachim Sartorius (Hrsg): Atlas der Neuen Poesie, Reinbek, 1996, S. 67.
天空更加阴暗  你说  这船老了
一生运载的风暴都已走远
该卸下自己了  让石头船舷去腐烂
夏季  是惟一的港口

2) Jatinder Verma: Asian Diasporas, BBC (World Service), Sept 2, 2002

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Monday, March 18, 2013

Xi Jinping’s Speech on Sunday: China Towering, but Development remains Overriding Ideology

Both an important speech (重要讲话) itself and the Chinese press coverage are part of the same decoration team, aiming at not only creating a verbal message, but an atmosphere, too. Newly elected state chairman Xi Jinping‘s speech on Sunday was no exception.

Today, our People’s Republic stands towering in the East of the world.

今天,我们的人民共和国正以昂扬的姿态屹立在世界东方。

Comrade Hu Jintao held the post of state chairman for ten years, and with a wealth of political wisdom, excellent leadership qualities, assiduous work spirit, did outstanding deeds to uphold and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics, won the love and support from all the nationalities of China and the international community’s universal praise. We express our sincere gratitude and greatest respect to Comrade Hu Jintao!

胡锦涛同志担任国家主席10年间,以丰富的政治智慧、高超的领导才能、勤勉的工作精神,为坚持和发展中国特色社会主义建立了卓越的功勋,赢得了全国各族人民衷心爱戴和国际社会普遍赞誉。我们向胡锦涛同志,表示衷心的感谢和崇高的敬意!

vote

Approving the predecessors: vote on last year’s government work report et al.
Click photo for CCTV coverage.

No need to repeat oneself. In Xinhua newsagency’s coverage, it is Xi Jinping himself who stands towering:

Wearing a dark-blue suit and a red tie, the membership hanging on his chest, Xi Jinping, tall of stature, stood smiling, calmly and self-confident. His voice clear, bright and vigorous, looking frank and honest, resolute and steadfast, he revealed the power of stirring people to action.

身着深色西装,佩带红色领带,胸挂出席证,身材高大的习近平微笑站立,从容自信。清朗而浑厚的声音,坦诚而刚毅的目光,透出激奋人心的力量。

“To achieve the construction of a moderately prosperous society, and the goal of a strong and prosperous, democratic and civilized, harmonious socialist modern motherland, to achieve the Chinese dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, this means achieving modern national prosperity and strength, vigorous national revitalization, and the happiness of the people …”

“实现全面建成小康社会、建成富强民主文明和谐的社会主义现代化国家的奋斗目标,实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦,就是要实现国家富强、民族振兴、人民幸福……”

Witnessed by the Great Hall of the People, under the stars of its dome, under surges of applause, Xi Jinping firmly said:

人民大会堂见证,在繁星点点的穹顶下,在如潮涌动的掌声中,习近平坚定表示:

To bring about the Chinese dream, we must take the Chinese road.
To bring about the Chinese dream, we must advance the Chinese spirit.
To bring about the Chinese dream we must cohere Chinese power.

——实现中国梦必须走中国道路。

——实现中国梦必须弘扬中国精神。

——实现中国梦必须凝聚中国力量。

This is the duty the leaders of the People’s Republic of China take for the motherland, the people: we must never be complacent, we must never be sluggish, we must make persistent efforts, advance boldly, continue to push forward the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and continue to struggle for the achievement of the Chinese dream of China’s great rejuvenation.

这是共和国领导者对祖国、对人民的情怀和担当:我们不能有丝毫自满,不能有丝毫懈怠,必须再接再厉、一往无前,继续把中国特色社会主义事业推向前进,继续为实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦而努力奋斗。

This is our promise to the people: The Chinese dream is, after all, the dream of the Chinese people, it must firmly rely on the people to achieve it, it must continuously bring benefit for the people.

这是对民族的承诺:“中国梦归根到底是人民的梦,必须紧紧依靠人民来实现,必须不断为人民造福。”

That much from the Xinhua report, and back to the actual speech:

development remains the overriding (or absolute) strategic ideology (我们要坚持发展是硬道理的战略思想), said Xi, thus quoting “Deng Xiaoping theory”, but added that the fruits from development should benefit the entire people in a fairer way – and that China was still in “the first stage of socialism”.1)

Taiwan didn’t escape a mention either2):

Numerous Taiwanese compatriots and mainland compatriots join hands and support, maintain and promote cross-strait relations and peaceful development, enhance the happiness and benefit of compatriots on both sides of the Taiwan Strait, jointly set up the new and further prospects of the Chinese nation. Numerous overseas Chinese want to make contributions to carry forward the Chinese nation’s the fine, diligent and kind Chinese tradition, and work diligently to advance the motherlands development, to promote the Chinese people’s and local people’s friendship.

广大台湾同胞和大陆同胞要携起手来,支持、维护、推动两岸关系和平发展,增进两岸同胞福祉,共同开创中华民族新的前程。广大海外侨胞,要弘扬中华民族勤劳善良的优良传统,努力为促进祖国发展、促进中国人民同当地人民的友谊作出贡献。

The Chinese people love peace. We will hold the banner of peace, development, cooperation and win-win high, we won’t change our road of peaceful development, we won’t change the strategy of mutual benefit and opening up, we will make efforts to cooperate friendly with all the countries of the world, fulfill our international responsibilities and duties, continue to work with all people in all countries to advance the lofty cause of humankind’s peace and development.

中国人民爱好和平。我们将高举和平、发展、合作、共赢的旗帜,始终不渝走和平发展道路,始终不渝奉行互利共赢的开放战略,致力于同世界各国发展友好合作,履行应尽的国际责任和义务,继续同各国人民一道推进人类和平与发展的崇高事业。

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Notes

1) 31 members of the 12th National People’s Congress (NPC) are farmers-turned migrant workers, China Radio International (CRI) reported on Sunday. That number was a tenfold increase from the 11th NPC. But they are hardly a match to the 90 NPC members who appear to be worth at least 1.8 billion Yuan (The Economist, March 16, 2013, page 53).
2) Stability in Hong Kong and Macau was an issue addressed by Xi, too. One day later, on March 18, Xi reminded visiting Hong Kong chief executive Leung Chun-ying that implementation was the key to the chief executive’s vision of “seeking change while maintaining stability” in Hong Kong.
“I’m not an idiot either”, replied Leung. (No, Leung said no such thing. This is just a malicious rumor, courtesy of JR.)

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Related

» Nods to Public Concerns, NY Times, March 14, 2013
» Delegates make Difference, March 6, 2009

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Wednesday, March 6, 2013

Cordial Conversations: Volunteering on Lei-Feng-Day

Shijiazhuang Daily (石家庄日报) is a paper from Hebei Province’s capital. It is the organ of Shijiazhuang’s CCP party committee and was established on November 18, 1947, six days after the the “People’s Liberation Army” had taken the city. Shijiazhuang Daily also runs a website which is clearly committed to the paper’s heritage. Shijiazhuang Daily and its online platform (Shijiazhuang News Net) aren’t unrivalled in their ideological orthodoxy, but they do live up to the former administrative region’s name of Chili, which, until 1928, included Hebei.

(CCTV cross-regional coverage, March 5, 2013)

Main Link: Our City Focuses on Carrying out Various Kinds of Voluntary Services – 我市集中开展多形式志愿服务活动

Shijiazhuang News Net, March 6, 2013 —

Yesterday was the 51rst Learning-from-Lei-Feng commemoration day, and it was also fifty years ago that Mao Zedong made his “Learn From Comrade Lei Feng” speech. Yesterday morning, our city held various Lei Feng volunteering service activities.

昨日是第51个学雷锋纪念日,也是毛泽东发表题词“向雷锋同志学习”50周年。昨天上午,我市开展了多种形式的学雷锋志愿服务活动。

Own report (Wang Geng reporting). Yesterday Yesterday was the 51rst Learning-from-Lei-Feng commemoration day,and it was also fifty years ago that Mao Zedong made his “Learn From Comrade Lei Feng” speech. Yesterday morning, our city held various Lei Feng volunteering service activities. Permanent Provincial Party Committee member propaganda director Ai Wenli and municipal committee propaganda department director Sun Wanyong came to our city’s Times Park to participate in some voluntary tree-planting and other volunteer activities, gave the city a “Lei Feng Diary”, “Benefitting Hebei Province) and other books as gifts, advocated volunteer service and promoted the spirit of Lei Feng.

本报讯 (记者 王 更)昨日是第51个学雷锋纪念日,也是毛泽东发表题词“向雷锋同志学习”50周年。昨天上午,我市开展了多种形式的学雷锋志愿服务活动。省委常委、宣传部长艾文礼,市委常委、宣传部长孙万勇来到我市时光公园,参加了在此开展的义务植树等志愿活动,并向市民赠送了《雷锋日记》、《善行河北》等书籍,倡导志愿服务,宣扬雷锋精神。

Ai Wenli and his entourage first came to the park’s plaza to learn about the activities. More than twenty volunteer service groups were on the plaza, carrying out dental services, eyesight tests, Chinese massage, haircut and shaving, legal advice, car, mobile-phone and household appliances repairs, all in all nearly thirty volunteering activities. Ai Wenli had cordial converstations with the participants and Shijiazhuang citizens, asking them about their views and feelings about the Learning-from-Lei-Feng activities. In the park’s rockery, Ai Wenli took part in the task of planting trees and encouraged the volunteers who were with him: “there are more and more young people learning from Lei Feng who are born after the 1980s or 1990s, just like you. Lei Feng’s spirit will never go out of fashion and Lei Feng’s spirit must be inherited and developed ever further.”

艾文礼一行首先来到公园广场,了解志愿服务活动开展情况。在公园广场上,有超过20支志愿者队伍,正在为市民开展口腔义诊、视力检查、中医按摩、理发剃须、法律咨询、汽车手机家电维修等近30项志愿服务。艾文礼与正在这里参加活动的志愿者和市民亲切交谈,询问他们对学雷锋的看法和感想。在公园假山上,艾文礼参加了义务植树并勉励身旁的志愿者:“现在你们这样80后、90后学雷锋的年轻人越来越多。雷锋精神永远不过时,一定要把雷锋精神传承弘扬下去。”

Yesterday morning, at the New Railway Station’s entrance, waiting hall, ticketing hall and inquiry counters, at West King Bus Station and at the main traffic crossroads, etc., one could see young peoples’ silhouettes wearing red caps to attract attention, helping to keep the traffic orderly, showing people the way, advocating standing in line, carrying out civilizational guidance, etc.. They were young volunteers from the provincial capital’s [i. e. Shijuazhuang’s] colleges and universities. Shijiazhuang Vocational Technology Institute‘s volunteering student Tian Yudui told this reporter: “being a student, to do some duties in your spare time can help everyone to do something meaningful, something helpful. This is fulfilling and makes you feel that you are valuable.”

昨天上午,在新火车站的进出站口、候车大厅、售票大厅和咨询台,在西王客运站、主要交通路口等地,都能看到一个个年轻的身影,他们头上戴着的一顶顶小红帽格外引人注目,他们在帮助交警维持交通秩序、义务指路、倡导排队、进行文明引导等,他们是来自省会高校的青年志愿者。石家庄职业技术学院志愿者田宇对记者说:“作为一名学生,课余时间闲下来的时候做些义务劳动,能为大家做一点有意义、有帮助的事,这样很充实,觉得自己很有价值。”

Volunteers*) were active in all community areas, some tidying and cleaning the places, some giving advice to older empty-nesters, some using their expertise to carry out useful services. Han Wei does repair work in some household appliance shop in the provincial capital. Yesterday, in the Zhuoda Rose Garden Park’s community area, he offered some voluntary household-appliance repair work. “Usually, after the [spring festival] holidays, when you come to these small community areas and help everyone reparing and maintaining their household appliances, it’s a service which is really welcomed. After helping others, you feel particularly good yourself, and really happy.”

在各个社区,也活跃着社区志愿者的身影,他们有的整治社区环境卫生,有的慰问空巢老人,有的利用自己的特长开展便民服务。韩伟是省会某家电卖场的维修工,昨天在卓达玫瑰园社区开展家电维修志愿服务活动。“平时过节假日,就到小区里面,帮助大家维修保养各种家电,还挺受欢迎的。帮助了别人之后,自己心情感到特别好,挺高兴的。”

According to provincial civilizational statistics, this city carried out various Lei-Feng activities yesterday, with fourty volunteer groups, nearly two-hundred volunteering organizations, about seven-thousand volunteers in the streets, entering schools, vilages, community areas to popularize knowledge about civilized manners, public civilizational guidance, legal advice, service on the three rural issues, medical services, convenience services, environmental cleaning and maintenance, tree-planting and greening activities, showing care and love for vulnerable groups and other Lei-Feng volunteering activities. Action with a red cap spells the “spirit of Lei Feng”.

据省会文明办统计,昨天,我市广泛开展了多种形式的学雷锋志愿服务活动,全市共有40个志愿服务支队、近200个志愿服务组织、约7000名志愿者,走上街头,深入学校、农村、社区,开展了普及文明礼仪知识、公共文明引导、法律咨询、服务三农、医疗义诊、便民服务、环境清洁、植树绿化、关爱弱势群体等学雷锋志愿服务活动。一顶顶“小红帽”用行动诠释了“雷锋精神”。

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Footnote

*) Here, too, only “silhouettes” were seen. This may be meant to depict a certain atmosphere, or to make all the goodwill appear countless and collective. When it comes to traffic regulation, the silhouette talk could make a lot of real sense, though.

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Related

» How Lei Feng Embodies China’s Political Advantage, Febr 26, 2012
» The Good and Respectable Market Stall Operator, Nov 14, 2011
» Propaganda will set you Free, Aug 9, 2009

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Saturday, January 5, 2013

Xi Jinping Lecture: Personal Experience

Xinhua online (republished here by Enorth, Tianjin), January 5, 2013, on a speech held by Xi Jinping on Saturday. According to the article, Xi discussed his personal learning experience in upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics (就坚持和发展中国特色社会主义谈了自己的学习体会).

Main Link: Unwaveringly upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics.

Links within blockquotes added during translation – JR.

On January 5, new members and alternate members of the Central Committee held a seminar at the Party School in Beijing on the spirit of the 18th National Congress. CCP Secretary General and Central Military Commission Chairman Xi Jinping held an important speech at the seminar’s opening ceremony. He pointed out that the choice of the road to take was related to the wax or wane of the party’s cause. The road was the life of the party. Socialism with Chinese characteristics was the dialectical unity of scientific socialist theoretical logic and Chinese social development history’s logic, rooted in the lands of China, reflecting the wishes of the Chinese people, suiting China’s and the times’ requirements for developing and progressing scientific socialism, and the only road for the achievement of a society of modest prosperity all over the country, for the accelerated promotion of socialist modernization, and to achieve the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation1).

新进中央委员会的委员、候补委员学习贯彻党的十八大精神研讨班5日在中央党校开班。中共中央总书记、中共中央军委主席习近平在开班式上发表重要讲话。他强调,道路问题是关系党的事业兴衰成败第一位的问题,道路就是党的生命。中国特色社会主义,是科学社会主义理论逻辑和中国社会发展历史逻辑的辩证统一,是根植于中国大地、反映中国人民意愿、适应中国和时代发展进步要求的科学社会主义,是全面建成小康社会、加快推进社会主义现代化、实现中华民族伟大复兴的必由之路。

The second paragraph doesn’t seem to contain anything new – except, perhaps, that Mao Zedong‘s theories aren’t mentioned. Deng Xiaoping theory and Jiang Zemin‘s “Three Represents” do get their mention. The instructions from the “State Information Office”, issued prior to the CCP’s 18th National Congress, didn’t appear to contain references to Mao Zedong either. The 17th Central Committee’s “Cultural Decision” mentions both Mao and Deng.

Huanqiu Shibao emoticon menu: no emotions. (click picture for the same Xinhua article republished on Huanqiu.)

Huanqiu Shibao emoticon menu: no emotions. (click picture for the same Xinhua article republished on Huanqiu.)

[…] This is the 31rst year since entering socialism with Chinese characteristics as proposed by Comrade Deng Xiaoping. Primarily, Xi Jinping, from the perspectives of history and reality, discussed his own learning experience with upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics. He analyzed from the six stages of socialist ideology to today’s point in the historical process, with the contents of utopian socialism, Marxism, Engels’ scientific socialist theory systems, the Lenin-led October Revolution Victory’s socialism, the Soviet form of socialist practice, our party’s exploration and practice of socialism after the establishment of New China, our party’s historical decision to carry out reform and opening up, creating and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics.

[…..] 今年是邓小平同志提出建设中国特色社会主义进入31个年头了。习近平重点从历史和现实的角度,就坚持和发展中国特色社会主义谈了自己的学习体会。他从6个时间段分析了社会主义思想从提出到现在的历史过程,内容包括空想社会主义产生和发展,马克思、恩格斯创立科学社会主义理论体系,列宁领导十月革命胜利并实践社会主义,苏联模式逐步形成,新中国成立后我们党对社会主义的探索和实践,我们党作出进行改革开放的历史性决策、开创和发展中国特色社会主义。

Xi Jinping pointed out that Comrade Deng Xiaoping pioneered socialism with Chinese characteristics, answering, for the first time, the questions of China’s relative economic and cultural backwardness and how to build socialism [under these circumstances], how to solidify and develop socialism’s leading problems, by using new ideological points of view, carrying forward and developing Marxism, extending the boundaries of Marxism, and raising the scientific level of understanding socialism.

习近平指出,邓小平同志开创了中国特色社会主义,第一次比较系统地初步回答了在中国这样经济文化比较落后的国家如何建设社会主义、如何巩固和发展社会主义的一系列基本问题,用新的思想观点,继承和发展了马克思主义,开拓了马克思主义新境界,把对社会主义的认识提高到新的科学水平。

Xi Jinping emphasized that socialism with Chinese characteristics is socialism, but no other doctrine. The basic principles of sicentific socialism could not be lost – what had been lost wasn’t socialism. Which doctrine a country implemented depended crucially on which historical tasks a country had to solve. History and reality both tell us that only socialism can save China, and that only socialism with Chinese characteristics can develop China. This is the conclusion of history, and the people’s choice. With the continuous development of socialism with Chinese characteristics, our country’s socialist system will keep maturing, our country’s socialist system’s superiority [or advantage] will continuously reveal itself, and our path will become ever broader. As long as we have this trust in the road we have taken, as long as we have trust in our theories, and trust in our system, we can truly act [in accordance with Zheng Banqiao‘s words/paintings]: “Suffered from hardship, they never fright, no matter the wind in all directions beat”2).

习近平强调,中国特色社会主义是社会主义而不是其他什么主义,科学社会主义基本原则不能丢,丢了就不是社会主义。一个国家实行什么样的主义,关键要看这个主义能否解决这个国家面临的历史性课题。历史和现实都告诉我们,只有社会主义才能救中国,只有中国特色社会主义才能发展中国,这是历史的结论、人民的选择。随着中国特色社会主义不断发展,我们的制度必将越来越成熟,我国社会主义制度的优越性必将进一步显现,我们的道路必将越走越宽广。我们就是要有这样的道路自信、理论自信、制度自信,真正做到“千磨万击还坚劲,任尔东西南北风”。

In the following paragraph, Xi still doesn’t mention Mao Zedong, but emphasizes a kind of unity between socialism in China before, and after the policies of reform and opening up:

Xi Jinping pointed out that our party led the people in the construction of socialism, and that there were the historical periods before and since reform and opening up. These were interrelated, but also with major differences from each other. Essentially, however, our party led the people in the implementation of socialist construction and practical exploration. They were different from each other in their ideological guidance, principles and policies, but not at all separate from each other, and definitely no opposites to each other. We must adhere to the ideological line of seeking truth in the facts, distinguish between the main current and the tributary rivers, adhere to the truth, correct mistakes, carry forward our experience, learn our lessons [“breathing them in”, 吸取教训], and on this basis make the party’s and the people’s cause advance.

习近平指出,我们党领导人民进行社会主义建设,有改革开放前和改革开放后两个历史时期,这是两个相互联系又有重大区别的时期,但本质上都是我们党领导人民进行社会主义建设的实践探索。中国特色社会主义是在改革开放历史新时期开创的,但也是在新中国已经建立起社会主义基本制度、并进行了20多年建设的基础上开创的。虽然这两个历史时期在进行社会主义建设的思想指导、方针政策、实际工作上有很大差别,但两者决不是彼此割裂的,更不是根本对立的。不能用改革开放后的历史时期否定改革开放前的历史时期,也不能用改革开放前的历史时期否定改革开放后的历史时期。要坚持实事求是的思想路线,分清主流和支流,坚持真理,修正错误,发扬经验,吸取教训,在这个基础上把党和人民事业继续推向前进。

Xi Jinping emphasized that Marxism is bound to go with the times, practice and science continuously develop, and there is nothing set in its ways. Socialism has always progressed by opening up. Adhering to and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics is a great chapter. Comrade Deng Xiaoping defined [this chapter’s] basic ideas and principles, and with Comrade Jiang Zemin at the core of the party’s collective third leadership generation and Comrade Hu Jintao as the secretary general of the party’s central committee, another brilliant section had been added to the great chapter. Now, it is the task of our generation of Communists to continue to write this great chapter. Adhere to Marxism, to socialism, and make sure you have a developing point of view [or development point of view]. The more advanced our cause will be, the more developed it will be, new situations and problems will increase. We will face more and more risks and challenges, and unforeseeable matters. We must be prepared for unexpected developments, be prepared for danger in times of peace, what you know, you know, what you don’t know, you don’t know. When you know, create the conditions to do it, and if you don’t know, keep learning and studying to work it out. We cannot afford ambiguities.

习近平强调,马克思主义必定随着时代、实践和科学的发展而不断发展,不可能一成不变,社会主义从来都是在开拓中前进的。坚持和发展中国特色社会主义是一篇大文章,邓小平同志为它确定了基本思路和基本原则,以江泽民同志为核心的党的第三代中央领导集体、以胡锦涛同志为总书记的党中央在这篇大文章上都写下了精彩的篇章。现在,我们这一代共产党人的任务,就是继续把这篇大文章写下去。坚持马克思主义,坚持社会主义,一定要有发展的观点。我们的事业越前进、越发展,新情况新问题就会越多,面临的风险和挑战就会越多,面对的不可预料的事情就会越多。我们必须增强忧患意识,做到居安思危,懂就是懂,不懂就是不懂;懂了的就努力创造条件去做,不懂的就要抓紧学习研究弄懂,来不得半点含糊。

Xi Jinping pointed out that CCP members, and particularly leading cadres, must be firm believers in and loyal practitioners of the lofty ideals (远大理想) of communism and the common ideals of socialism with Chinese characteristics. We want to adhere to the faith in going the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and at the same time maintain the lofty ideals (崇高理想) of communism, resolutely implement and carry out the party’s basic road and basic guiding principles in the initial stage of socialism, and successfuly do every piece of work of the day. Revolutionary ideals reach higher than the skies. Without lofty ideals, there is no qualified communist, and abandoning practical work and empty talk about lofty ideals makes no qualified communist either. The measure of a Communist and a leading cadre is if he has lofty Communist ideals, objective standards, if he is able to serve the people with his whole heart, if he is able to stand difficulties before enjoying the achievements, if he can work hard, if he honestly does his duties, if he struggles selflessly, fights, and devotes all his energy and life. All confused and hesitant points of view, making merry while one can, all selfish behavior, all inefficiency is incompatible with this.

习近平指出,共产党员特别是党员领导干部要做共产主义远大理想和中国特色社会主义共同理想的坚定信仰者和忠实践行者。我们既要坚定走中国特色社会主义道路的信念,也要胸怀共产主义的崇高理想,矢志不移贯彻执行党在社会主义初级阶段的基本路线和基本纲领,做好当前每一项工作。革命理想高于天。没有远大理想,不是合格的共产党员;离开现实工作而空谈远大理想,也不是合格的共产党员。衡量一名共产党员、一名领导干部是否具有共产主义远大理想,是有客观标准的,那就要看他能否坚持全心全意为人民服务的根本宗旨,能否吃苦在前、享受在后,能否勤奋工作、廉洁奉公,能否为理想而奋不顾身去拼搏、去奋斗、去献出自己的全部精力乃至生命。一切迷惘迟疑的观点,一切及时行乐的思想,一切贪图私利的行为,一切无所作为的作风,都是与此格格不入的。

Li Keqiang presided over the seminar’s opening ceremony.

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Notes

1) Great rejuvenation was the theme Tuo Zhen, propaganda chief of Guangdong’s CCP branch, reportedly inserted into Southern Weekly‘s original New Year’s article, instead of the original article’s “China dream”, which would have related to constitutionalism and to checks and balances on and within political power.

2) The probable source for this quote by Xi Jinping is Zheng Banqiao (aka Zheng Xie), an offical and painter from Jiangsu, is the probable source for this quote by Xi Jinping. Wikipedia: When he was reportedly criticized for building a shelter for the poor, he resigned (Wikipedia, accessed 20130105).

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Related

» Xi endorses Deng mantra, SCMP, Jan 5, 2013
» Xi reiterates, “Global Times”, Jan 1, 2013
» Whose China Dream, Jan 5, 2013
» People with Lofty Ideas (仁人志士), Oct 31, 2010

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