Press Review: Lushan Earthquake Coverage

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Links within blockquotes added during translation

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1. China News Service (中新网)

April 22, 2013

According to Sichuan Provincial Home Affairs Secretary’s website, the 7.0 earthquake of Ya’an City, Lushan County has so far affected 1.99 million people, killed 189, injured 12,211, and led to the evacuation of more than 608,000 people in the area of Ya’an City’s nineteen cities and administrative areas / 115 counties.
[...]

中新网4月22日电 据四川省民政厅网站消息，四川省雅安市芦山县7.0级地震目前已造成包括雅安在内的19个市州115个县199余万人受灾，189人遇难，12211人受伤，紧急转移60.8万余人。
[...]

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2. Ministry of Foreign Affairs

April 22, 2013

On the evening of April 22, State Chairman Xi Jinping had a telephone conversation with Russian president Putin.

2013年4月22日晚，国家主席习近平应约同俄罗斯总统普京通电话。

Putin once again offered his condolences on behalf of the Russian government and the Russian people, concerning the strong earthquake in Lushan, Sichuan Province. He said that at this difficult time, the Russian people stood firmly with the Chinese people and Russia wanted to provide all the help required. He believed that the Chinese government and the Chinese people would certainly overcome the difficulties and triumph over disaster. Whatever the difficulties, all the Russian people were the reliable friends of the Chinese people.

普京代表俄罗斯政府和人民，再次对中国四川芦山发生强烈地震致以深切慰问。他表示，值此困难时刻，俄罗斯人民坚定同中国人民站在一起，俄方愿为中方提供一切必要帮助。相信中国政府和人民一定能够克服困难，战胜灾害。无论遇到什么困难，俄罗斯人民都是中国人民的可靠朋友。

Xi Jinping said that the message of condolence Putin had sent on the day of the Lushan earthquake and his telephone call now to express deep condolences was something he valued highly. On behalf of the Chinese government and the Chinese people, he expressed sincere thanks to Putin.

习近平表示，普京总统在四川芦山发生地震当天就发来慰问电，现在又打来电话，表达深切慰问，我对此高度评价。我代表中国政府和人民，向你表示诚挚谢意。

Xi Jinping said that at times of trials and tribulation, truth could be found [another translation: a friend in need is a friend indeed].  Whenever major natural disasters occured in the two countries of China and Russia, both sides supported each other right away. This amply reflected the high standard of Sino-Russian relations and the fraternal relations between the two countries and peoples. China wanted to work with Russia at the earthquake relief and at the reconstruction afterwards.

习近平指出，患难见真情。每当中俄两国发生重大自然灾害时，双方都第一时间给予相互支持。这充分体现了中俄高水平的关系和两国人民的友好情谊。中方愿同俄方就抗震救灾及灾后重建保持密切沟通。

Explaining the post-disaster situation, Xi Jinping emphasized that the disaster relief work was carried out comphrehensively and orderly. The Chinese people were of one mind, fighting in a joint effort, and would certainly triumph over disaster,  rebuild their homes, and make the lives of the people in the disaster area better lives.

在介绍了地震灾情后，习近平强调，我们正在全面有序展开抗震救灾工作。中国人民同心同德、协力奋战，一定能够战胜灾害、重建家园，让灾区人民过上美好生活。

The two heads of state also exchanged views about bilateral relations. Xi Jinping said that the state visit he had recently made to Russia had achieved major results. China wanted to conscientiously implement the consensus and agreements reached by the two sides on the same path with Russia, and further deepen the comprehensive strategic cooperative relationship.

两国元首还就双边关系交换了意见。习近平表示，我不久前对俄罗斯进行的国事访问取得重大成果。中方愿同俄方一道，认真落实双方达成的各项共识和协议，进一步深化中俄全面战略协作伙伴关系。

Putin said that Xi Jinping’s state visit to Russia had been a complete success, that Russia would make all efforts to implement the results of the visit, and promote the rise of Russian-Chinese relations to a new level.

普京表示，习近平主席对俄罗斯的国事访问取得圆满成功，俄方将尽全力落实好访问成果，推动俄中关系迈上新台阶。

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3. Xinhua (via Shijiazhuang News Net)

April 20, 2013

Chief State Councillor Li Keqiang directed the earthquake relief work  from the scene of the epicenter at Lushan County, Longmen Township government square. He demanded that the road leading to Baoxing should be opened up again as quickly as possible, and close attention be paid to the rescue work.

新华网快讯：李克强总理在震中芦山县龙门乡政府广场现场指挥抗震救灾。他要求尽快打通通往宝兴的道路，抓紧救援。

[picture 1 showing Li on board of an aircraft, on the phone]

On April 20, on his way to Sichuan Li Keqiang held an emergency meeting to map out the earthquake relief work. After their arrival at the airport, Chief State Councillor Li Keqiang and his party boarded four helicopters to fly to the epicenter.  The picture shows Li Keqiang as he talks to Sichuan provincial party secretary Wang Dongming on the phone. (photo origin: Xinhua Viewpoint Weibo)

4月20日，在飞往四川途中，李克强总理召开紧急会议，部署抗震救灾工作。到达机场后，李克强总理一行分乘四架直升飞机，飞往震中。图为李克强与四川省委书记王东明通电话。（图片来源：新华视点微博）

[picture 2 showing Li on board of an aircraft, talking to what appears to be either a captain or a colonel]

On April 20, on his way to Sichuan Li Keqiang held an emergency meeting to [.....]. The picture shows Li Keqiang as he flies to the epicenter by helicopter. (photo origin: Xinhua Viewpoint Weibo)

4月20日，在飞往四川途中，李克强总理召开紧急会议，部署抗震救灾工作。到达机场后，李克强总理一行分乘四架直升飞机，飞往震中。图为李克强乘直升飞机前往震中。（图片来源：新华视点微博）

[picture 3 showing Li on board an aircraft, being shown a map]

After their arrival at the airport, Chief State Councillor Li Keqiang and his party boarded four helicopters to fly to the epicenter.  (photo origin: Xinhua Viewpoint Weibo)

4月20日，在飞往四川途中，李克强总理召开紧急会议，部署抗震救灾工作。到达机场后，李克强总理一行分乘四架直升飞机，飞往震中。图为李克强乘直升飞机前往震中。（图片来源：新华视点微博）

[picture 4 showing Li on board an aircraft, pointing at the map]

On April 20, on his way to Sichuan Li Keqiang held an emergency meeting to map out the earthquake relief work. After their arrival at the airport, Chief State Councillor Li Keqiang and his party boarded four helicopters to fly to the epicenter.  (photo origin: Xinhua Viewpoint Weibo)

4月20日，在飞往四川途中，李克强总理召开紧急会议，部署抗震救灾工作。到达机场后，李克强总理一行分乘四架直升飞机，飞往震中。图为李克强乘直升飞机前往震中。（图片来源：新华视点微博）

[picture 5, showing Li and staff meditating on a map]

Member of the Standing Committee of the Politburo and Chief State Councillor Li Keqiang left Beijing by plane on April 20 at 13:15 to fly to the Ya’An earthquake disaster area in Sichuan to direct the earthquake relief work. (photo origin: Xinhua Viewpoint Weibo)

中共中央政治局常委、国务院总理李克强4月20日13时15分从北京乘飞机前往四川雅安地震灾区，指导抗震救灾工作。（图片来源：新华视点微博）

[picture 6, showing Li and at least three staff putting their fingers on a map]

Member of the Standing Committee of the Politburo and Chief State Councillor Li Keqiang left Beijing by plane on April 20 at 13:15 to fly to the Ya’An earthquake disaster area in Sichuan to direct the earthquake relief work. (photo origin: Xinhua Viewpoint Weibo)

中共中央政治局常委、国务院总理李克强4月20日13时15分从北京乘飞机前往四川雅安地震灾区，指导抗震救灾工作。（图片来源：新华视点微博）

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Related

» 温家宝抵达成都, Enorth, May 12, 2008

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Xi Jinping Lecture: Personal Experience

Xinhua online (republished here by Enorth, Tianjin), January 5, 2013, on a speech held by Xi Jinping on Saturday. According to the article, Xi discussed his personal learning experience in upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics (就坚持和发展中国特色社会主义谈了自己的学习体会).

Main Link: Unwaveringly upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics.

Links within blockquotes added during translation – JR.

On January 5, new members and alternate members of the Central Committee held a seminar at the Party School in Beijing on the spirit of the 18th National Congress. CCP Secretary General and Central Military Commission Chairman Xi Jinping held an important speech at the seminar’s opening ceremony. He pointed out that the choice of the road to take was related to the wax or wane of the party’s cause. The road was the life of the party. Socialism with Chinese characteristics was the dialectical unity of scientific socialist theoretical logic and Chinese social development history’s logic, rooted in the lands of China, reflecting the wishes of the Chinese people, suiting China’s and the times’ requirements for developing and progressing scientific socialism, and the only road for the achievement of a society of modest prosperity all over the country, for the accelerated promotion of socialist modernization, and to achieve the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation¹⁾.

新进中央委员会的委员、候补委员学习贯彻党的十八大精神研讨班5日在中央党校开班。中共中央总书记、中共中央军委主席习近平在开班式上发表重要讲话。他强调，道路问题是关系党的事业兴衰成败第一位的问题，道路就是党的生命。中国特色社会主义，是科学社会主义理论逻辑和中国社会发展历史逻辑的辩证统一，是根植于中国大地、反映中国人民意愿、适应中国和时代发展进步要求的科学社会主义，是全面建成小康社会、加快推进社会主义现代化、实现中华民族伟大复兴的必由之路。

The second paragraph doesn’t seem to contain anything new – except, perhaps, that Mao Zedong‘s theories aren’t mentioned. Deng Xiaoping theory and Jiang Zemin‘s “Three Represents” do get their mention. The instructions from the “State Information Office”, issued prior to the CCP’s 18th National Congress, didn’t appear to contain references to Mao Zedong either. The 17th Central Committee’s “Cultural Decision” mentions both Mao and Deng.

Huanqiu Shibao emoticon menu: no emotions. (click picture for the same Xinhua article republished on Huanqiu.)

[...] This is the 31rst year since entering socialism with Chinese characteristics as proposed by Comrade Deng Xiaoping. Primarily, Xi Jinping, from the perspectives of history and reality, discussed his own learning experience with upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics. He analyzed from the six stages of socialist ideology to today’s point in the historical process, with the contents of utopian socialism, Marxism, Engels’ scientific socialist theory systems, the Lenin-led October Revolution Victory’s socialism, the Soviet form of socialist practice, our party’s exploration and practice of socialism after the establishment of New China, our party’s historical decision to carry out reform and opening up, creating and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics.

[.....] 今年是邓小平同志提出建设中国特色社会主义进入31个年头了。习近平重点从历史和现实的角度，就坚持和发展中国特色社会主义谈了自己的学习体会。他从6个时间段分析了社会主义思想从提出到现在的历史过程，内容包括空想社会主义产生和发展，马克思、恩格斯创立科学社会主义理论体系，列宁领导十月革命胜利并实践社会主义，苏联模式逐步形成，新中国成立后我们党对社会主义的探索和实践，我们党作出进行改革开放的历史性决策、开创和发展中国特色社会主义。

Xi Jinping pointed out that Comrade Deng Xiaoping pioneered socialism with Chinese characteristics, answering, for the first time, the questions of China’s relative economic and cultural backwardness and how to build socialism [under these circumstances], how to solidify and develop socialism’s leading problems, by using new ideological points of view, carrying forward and developing Marxism, extending the boundaries of Marxism, and raising the scientific level of understanding socialism.

习近平指出，邓小平同志开创了中国特色社会主义，第一次比较系统地初步回答了在中国这样经济文化比较落后的国家如何建设社会主义、如何巩固和发展社会主义的一系列基本问题，用新的思想观点，继承和发展了马克思主义，开拓了马克思主义新境界，把对社会主义的认识提高到新的科学水平。

Xi Jinping emphasized that socialism with Chinese characteristics is socialism, but no other doctrine. The basic principles of sicentific socialism could not be lost – what had been lost wasn’t socialism. Which doctrine a country implemented depended crucially on which historical tasks a country had to solve. History and reality both tell us that only socialism can save China, and that only socialism with Chinese characteristics can develop China. This is the conclusion of history, and the people’s choice. With the continuous development of socialism with Chinese characteristics, our country’s socialist system will keep maturing, our country’s socialist system’s superiority [or advantage] will continuously reveal itself, and our path will become ever broader. As long as we have this trust in the road we have taken, as long as we have trust in our theories, and trust in our system, we can truly act [in accordance with Zheng Banqiao's words/paintings]: “Suffered from hardship, they never fright, no matter the wind in all directions beat”²⁾.

习近平强调，中国特色社会主义是社会主义而不是其他什么主义，科学社会主义基本原则不能丢，丢了就不是社会主义。一个国家实行什么样的主义，关键要看这个主义能否解决这个国家面临的历史性课题。历史和现实都告诉我们，只有社会主义才能救中国，只有中国特色社会主义才能发展中国，这是历史的结论、人民的选择。随着中国特色社会主义不断发展，我们的制度必将越来越成熟，我国社会主义制度的优越性必将进一步显现，我们的道路必将越走越宽广。我们就是要有这样的道路自信、理论自信、制度自信，真正做到“千磨万击还坚劲，任尔东西南北风”。

In the following paragraph, Xi still doesn’t mention Mao Zedong, but emphasizes a kind of unity between socialism in China before, and after the policies of reform and opening up:

Xi Jinping pointed out that our party led the people in the construction of socialism, and that there were the historical periods before and since reform and opening up. These were interrelated, but also with major differences from each other. Essentially, however, our party led the people in the implementation of socialist construction and practical exploration. They were different from each other in their ideological guidance, principles and policies, but not at all separate from each other, and definitely no opposites to each other. We must adhere to the ideological line of seeking truth in the facts, distinguish between the main current and the tributary rivers, adhere to the truth, correct mistakes, carry forward our experience, learn our lessons ["breathing them in", 吸取教训], and on this basis make the party’s and the people’s cause advance.

习近平指出，我们党领导人民进行社会主义建设，有改革开放前和改革开放后两个历史时期，这是两个相互联系又有重大区别的时期，但本质上都是我们党领导人民进行社会主义建设的实践探索。中国特色社会主义是在改革开放历史新时期开创的，但也是在新中国已经建立起社会主义基本制度、并进行了20多年建设的基础上开创的。虽然这两个历史时期在进行社会主义建设的思想指导、方针政策、实际工作上有很大差别，但两者决不是彼此割裂的，更不是根本对立的。不能用改革开放后的历史时期否定改革开放前的历史时期，也不能用改革开放前的历史时期否定改革开放后的历史时期。要坚持实事求是的思想路线，分清主流和支流，坚持真理，修正错误，发扬经验，吸取教训，在这个基础上把党和人民事业继续推向前进。

Xi Jinping emphasized that Marxism is bound to go with the times, practice and science continuously develop, and there is nothing set in its ways. Socialism has always progressed by opening up. Adhering to and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics is a great chapter. Comrade Deng Xiaoping defined [this chapter's] basic ideas and principles, and with Comrade Jiang Zemin at the core of the party’s collective third leadership generation and Comrade Hu Jintao as the secretary general of the party’s central committee, another brilliant section had been added to the great chapter. Now, it is the task of our generation of Communists to continue to write this great chapter. Adhere to Marxism, to socialism, and make sure you have a developing point of view [or development point of view]. The more advanced our cause will be, the more developed it will be, new situations and problems will increase. We will face more and more risks and challenges, and unforeseeable matters. We must be prepared for unexpected developments, be prepared for danger in times of peace, what you know, you know, what you don’t know, you don’t know. When you know, create the conditions to do it, and if you don’t know, keep learning and studying to work it out. We cannot afford ambiguities.

习近平强调，马克思主义必定随着时代、实践和科学的发展而不断发展，不可能一成不变，社会主义从来都是在开拓中前进的。坚持和发展中国特色社会主义是一篇大文章，邓小平同志为它确定了基本思路和基本原则，以江泽民同志为核心的党的第三代中央领导集体、以胡锦涛同志为总书记的党中央在这篇大文章上都写下了精彩的篇章。现在，我们这一代共产党人的任务，就是继续把这篇大文章写下去。坚持马克思主义，坚持社会主义，一定要有发展的观点。我们的事业越前进、越发展，新情况新问题就会越多，面临的风险和挑战就会越多，面对的不可预料的事情就会越多。我们必须增强忧患意识，做到居安思危，懂就是懂，不懂就是不懂；懂了的就努力创造条件去做，不懂的就要抓紧学习研究弄懂，来不得半点含糊。

Xi Jinping pointed out that CCP members, and particularly leading cadres, must be firm believers in and loyal practitioners of the lofty ideals (远大理想) of communism and the common ideals of socialism with Chinese characteristics. We want to adhere to the faith in going the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and at the same time maintain the lofty ideals (崇高理想) of communism, resolutely implement and carry out the party’s basic road and basic guiding principles in the initial stage of socialism, and successfuly do every piece of work of the day. Revolutionary ideals reach higher than the skies. Without lofty ideals, there is no qualified communist, and abandoning practical work and empty talk about lofty ideals makes no qualified communist either. The measure of a Communist and a leading cadre is if he has lofty Communist ideals, objective standards, if he is able to serve the people with his whole heart, if he is able to stand difficulties before enjoying the achievements, if he can work hard, if he honestly does his duties, if he struggles selflessly, fights, and devotes all his energy and life. All confused and hesitant points of view, making merry while one can, all selfish behavior, all inefficiency is incompatible with this.

习近平指出，共产党员特别是党员领导干部要做共产主义远大理想和中国特色社会主义共同理想的坚定信仰者和忠实践行者。我们既要坚定走中国特色社会主义道路的信念，也要胸怀共产主义的崇高理想，矢志不移贯彻执行党在社会主义初级阶段的基本路线和基本纲领，做好当前每一项工作。革命理想高于天。没有远大理想，不是合格的共产党员；离开现实工作而空谈远大理想，也不是合格的共产党员。衡量一名共产党员、一名领导干部是否具有共产主义远大理想，是有客观标准的，那就要看他能否坚持全心全意为人民服务的根本宗旨，能否吃苦在前、享受在后，能否勤奋工作、廉洁奉公，能否为理想而奋不顾身去拼搏、去奋斗、去献出自己的全部精力乃至生命。一切迷惘迟疑的观点，一切及时行乐的思想，一切贪图私利的行为，一切无所作为的作风，都是与此格格不入的。

Li Keqiang presided over the seminar’s opening ceremony.

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Notes

¹⁾ Great rejuvenation was the theme Tuo Zhen, propaganda chief of Guangdong’s CCP branch, reportedly inserted into Southern Weekly‘s original New Year’s article, instead of the original article’s “China dream”, which would have related to constitutionalism and to checks and balances on and within political power.

²⁾ The probable source for this quote by Xi Jinping is Zheng Banqiao (aka Zheng Xie), an offical and painter from Jiangsu, is the probable source for this quote by Xi Jinping. Wikipedia: When he was reportedly criticized for building a shelter for the poor, he resigned (Wikipedia, accessed 20130105).

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Related

» Xi endorses Deng mantra, SCMP, Jan 5, 2013
» Xi reiterates, “Global Times”, Jan 1, 2013
» Whose China Dream, Jan 5, 2013
» People with Lofty Ideas (仁人志士), Oct 31, 2010

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World AIDS Day in the Great Socialist Family

Chinese party chairman Xi Jinping (习近平) visited a health service center in Beijing on Friday.

Xinhua newsagency / via Enorth (Tianjin), December 1 -

On the eve of the 25th World AIDS Day, on Friday morning, CCP secretary general and Central Military Commission Chairman visited the Shiliuyuan branch of Fengtai District Puhuangyu community health service center, Beijing community methadone maintenance treatment program outpatient clinic no. 7, to see AIDS patients, to take part in AIDS prevention volunteer training and discussions. Xi Jinping emphasized that AIDS itself wasn’t terrible, but ignorance and prejudice about AIDS, and discrimination against those who suffered from AIDS.  People infected with AIDS and patients were our brothers and sisters, and all of society should brighten their lives with love.

第25个世界艾滋病日即将到来之际，中共中央总书记、中央军委主席习近平30日上午来到设在北京市丰台区蒲黄榆社区卫生服务中心石榴园分中心的北京市社区 药物维持治疗第七门诊部，看望艾滋病患者，参加艾滋病防治志愿者培训交流活动。习近平强调，艾滋病本身并不可怕，可怕的是对艾滋病的无知和偏见，以及对艾 滋病患者的歧视。艾滋病感染者和病人都是我们的兄弟姐妹，全社会都要用爱心照亮他们的生活。

At about half past nine, Xi Jinping entered outpatient clinic no. 7, and the volunteers pinned a red label, the symbol of love and care, to his jacket. Zhang Zhijun, in charge of the community health service center, explained the clinic’s methadone maintenance program for high-risk-behavior^*) groups. Xi Jinping said the maintenance work was effective in curbing the spread of AIDS. One needed to show understanding for their psychology when seeking ways and measures, to protect privacy, dispel anxieties, to actively cooperate and maintain treatment.

上午9时30分许，习近平走进第七门诊部。一进门厅，志愿者就为他佩戴上象征爱心的红丝带。社区卫生服务中心负责人张志军介绍了门诊部对高危行为人群开展 药物维持治疗的情况。习近平表示，对高危人群开展药物维持治疗，是遏制艾滋病传播的有效途径，要注意体谅他们的心理，讲究方式方法，保护个人隐私，让他们 打消顾虑，积极配合和坚持治疗。

The Xinhua article focuses on Xi’s talks with patients and volunteers, and shakehands with patients (as a nonverbal demonstration that this spells no danger of infection). “Handshake games” are part of the center’s educational program.

[...] Xi Jinping pointed out that to be infected with AIDS is unfortunate, in the great socialist family, the party, the government and society in its entirety showed concern for infected people and for patients. Science and technology were very developed, and scientific medication, many patients had reason to hope for recovery.

[.....]  习近平指出，感染上艾滋病是不幸的，但在社会主义大家庭里，党和政府、全社会都在关心艾滋病感染者和病人。现在科学技术很发达，通过科学用药，很多病 人都是有希望康复的。

[...]

Before the end of the activity, Xi Jinping made an important speech. He pointed out that AIDS was a common challenge for humanity. Ever since the first detected cases of AIDS in China, in 1985, the party and the government had always attached great importance to the prevention and treatment of AIDS, had taken a series of effective measures, with remarkable achievements. But the situation remained grim, there was still a lot of discrimination in society, and a lot of work remained to be done.

活动结束前，习近平发表了重要讲话。他指出，艾滋病是人类面临的共同挑战。自1985年我国发现第一例艾滋病病人以来，党和政府一直高度重视艾滋病防治工 作，采取了一系列有力措施，取得了显著成效。同时，我们也要看到，我国防治艾滋病面临的形势仍然严峻，社会上对艾滋病感染者和病人的歧视现象还比较突出， 防治艾滋病还有大量工作要做。

The article ends with Xi remarks about conscientious AIDS containment and prevention work as spelled out in the 12th five-year plan.

[...] Let every AIDS-infected person and every patient feel the care of the party and the government, and the warmth from society.

[.....] 要让每一个艾滋病感染者和病人都能感受到党和政府的关怀、感受到社会的温暖。

Politbureau member and Policy Research Office of CPC Central Committee director Wang Huning, politbureau member, secretary of the CCP Central Committee Secretariat, and director of the Central Committee General Office Li Zhanshu, politbureau member and Beijing municipal party secretary Guo Jinlong and others participated in the activities together.

中共中央政治局委员、中央政策研究室主任王沪宁，中共中央政治局委员、中央书记处书记、中央办公厅主任栗战书，中共中央政治局委员、北京市委书记郭金龙等一同参加活动。

Press coverage does not suggest that recent history was treated correctly in Xi’s remarks on Friday. The first detected cases in 1985 were anything but a story of “attaching great importance” or “taking a series of effective measures”. Xi’s historical misrepresentations were too gross to be carried by China Daily, but apprently deemed good enough for the Chinese-language press.

Vice chief state councillor and politbureau member No. Two,  Li Keqiang (李克强), met with AIDS campaigners or representatives on Monday and called for more non-government efforts to fight AIDS. Probably, nothing unseemly was uttered by his interlocutors on that occasion, but according to AFP, campaigners were scathing in response, pointing to Li’s role in oppressing AIDS activists in Henan in 2001.

NGOs in Beijing had a hard time with the authorities, too. But in August this year, Beijing Love Source, an AIDS support group founded by Hu Jia and managed by Zeng Jinyan, was informed that the tax authorities saw no tax illegalities in its operations.

The authorities had certainly taken their time. Beijing Loving Source had been “under investigation” since November 2010, or earlier. And usually, you wouldn’t expect these kinds of procedures to end with an exoneration.

Has the party decided to let NGOs “reach” people (who wouldn’t trust state organizations) through NGOs, even if operated by otherwise shitlisted activists? Time will show.

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Note

^*) “High-risk behavior groups” (高危行为人群) became a more politically-correct those who are mostly vulnerable to the infection in China Daily’s version.

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Related

Methadone treatment for migrants, China Daily, June 23, 2010

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Current CCP Politbureau Members, and a few Guesses

Red line numbers (column 1): new to the politbureau. Red crosses (column 4): new to the standing committee.

#	name	born	stand ing com mit tee	majors	party func tion	state func tion	leanings
1.	Xi Jinping (习近平)	1953	x	chem. engin eering	gen. secre tary	vice chair man	prince ling
2.	Ma Kai (马凯)	1946		pol. eco nomics		state coun cil
3.	Wang Qishan (王岐山)	1948	x	history (fina nce?)	dis cip line	state coun cil	prince ling
4.	Wang Huning (王沪宁)	1955		French inter- natio- nal poli tics	re sear ch
5.	Liu Yunshan (刘云山)	1947	x	journal ism (pro bably)	pro pa gan da		youth league
6.	Liu Yandong (刘延东)	1945		chemi stry		state coun cil	youth league
7.	Liu Qibao (刘奇葆)	1953		econ omic plan ning	Sichu an party secr.
8.	Xu Qiliang (许其亮)	1950		de fense	CMC
9.	Sun Chunlan (孙春兰)	1950		party crash cour  ses			youth league
10.	Sun Zhengcai (孙政才)	1963		agri culture	Jilin party secr.
11.	Li Keqiang (李克强)	1955	x	law, eco nomics		state coun cil	youth league
12.	Li Jianguo (李建国)	1946		literat ure	NPC secre tary gen.	NPC vice cha ir
13.	Li Yuanchao (李源潮)	1950		math, e conom. manag ement	org gan izat. dept.
14.	Wang Yang (汪洋)	1955		political econo mics	Guan gdo ng party secr.		refor mist
15.	Zhang Chunxian (张春贤)	1953		engin eering	Xin jiang party secr.
16.	Zhang Gaoli (张高丽)	1946	x	econon omics	Tian jin party secr.
17.	Zhang Dejiang (张德江)	1946	x	Korean, econ omics	Chon gqing party secr.		hardline
18.	Fan Changlong (范长龙)	1947		Xuan- hua Artillery College & others	CMC
19.	Meng Jianzhu (孟建柱)	1947		systems engin eering		state coun cil (pub lic se curi ty)
20.	Zhao Leji (赵乐际)	1957		philo sophy	Shaan xi party secr.
21.	Hu Chunhua (胡春华)	1963		Chinese, literat ure	Inner Mong olia party secr.		youth league
22.	Yu Zhengsheng (俞正声)	1945	x	electron ic engin eering, automa ted mis siles	Shang hai party secr.		keeper of the Deng Xiao ping grail
23.	Li Zhanshu (栗战书)	1950			centr al com mittee office	Hei long jiang gov er nor
24.	Guo Jinlong (郭金龙)	1947		physics, acou stics	Bei jing party secr.
25.	Han Zheng (韩正)	1954		econom ics		Shang hai mayor	Shang- hai Cli que (but) Hu Jintao

The exclusion of a role held by Zhou Yongkang could be a message for Zhou and his supporters, rather than an indication of policy, suggests the Committee to Protect Journalists blog (CPJ). Zhou ranked 9th in the previous standing committee, and in his state (rather than party) function, he oversaw China’s security forces and law enforcement institutions.

Propaganda, of course, has a seat in the standing committee, with Liu Yunshan, and diplomacy stays out, as it did previously (unless a now sitting member becomes foreign minister next year).

Indirectly, the “United Front” is also represented at the standing committee. Liu Yandong headed that department for special party relations from 2002 to 2007. The “United Front” is also the organization whose website carries news about telegram exchanges between Hu Jintao / Xi Jinping  with Taiwan’s president Ma Ying-jeou, as the top headline. They reportedly communicated in their capacities as former CCP secretary general (Hu), the CCP’s new secretary general (Xi), and the KMT’s chairman (Ma).

Cultural Revolutions, Great and Small

March 2012 in China was a month of power struggles – that can be safely said, because one member of the polit bureau, Bo Xilai, fell from power.

Then there was chief state councillor Wen Jiabao‘s press conference, on March 14. His remark that a historic tragedy like the cultural revolution could occur again, and that reform was therefore an urgent task, can be interpreted as anything from a call for far-reaching liberalization, to just a handful of technicalities.

According to Sinostand,

If the economy slows or abruptly halts, then the void will have to be filled somehow. That could be done through political reforms that give direct accountability to the people, or some kind of scapegoat could be used to consolidate angst in a direction away from the government. I suspect Wen Jiabao’s calls for the former are in hopes of avoiding the latter.

John Garnaut listened to Hu Dehua‘s family history. Hu Dehua is the third and youngest son of former party chairman Hu Yaobang, a reformer who was ousted by the party establishment in 1987, and died in 1989.

Garnaut mainly recorded Hu Dehua’s story, apparently. It was published by Foreign Policy, on Thursday. At times, it doesn’t seem easy to tell what is Hu’s account, and where Garnaut may be drawing either on Hu’s story, or on sources he had previously known. But Hu Dehua himself is quoted with a statement which corresponds with Sinostand’s interpretation of Wen Jiabao’s mention the Cultural Revolution.

Hu Dehua told his father how pessimistic he felt about his country’s future. Hu Yaobang agreed that the methods and ideologies of the 1987 anti-liberalization movement came straight from the Cultural Revolution. But he told his son to gain some historical perspective^*), and reminded him that Chinese people were not joining in the elite power games as they had 20 years before. He called the anti-liberalization campaign a “medium-sized cultural revolution” and warned that a small cultural revolution would no doubt follow, Hu Dehua told me.

Hu Yaobang also told his son that as society developed, the middle and little cultural revolutions would gradually fade from history’s stage.

If Wen Jiabao’s reference to the Cultural Revolution wasn’t mainly meant to be merely a punch into Bo Xilai’s face – which is quite possible, too -, China’s chief state councillor doesn’t seem to believe that such a degree of societal development which would make middle and little cultural revolutions disappear has yet been reached, and he wouldn’t even rule out another big one.

But while Garnaut’s Foreign-Policy article is definitely a scoop, and while one can be pretty sure that Hu Dehua didn’t simply talk with a foreign correspondent because he felt like it, one shouldn’t think of Hu’s or Garnaut’s account as something carved in stone, either.

Hu Yaobang was largely airbrushed from official history after his purge in 1987. But because he did not publicly challenge the Communist Party, he maintained his legacy and his supporters, including all of the current and likely future party chiefs and premiers: Hu Jintao, Wen Jiabao, Xi Jinping, and Li Keqiang. All four regularly visit the Hu family home during Spring Festival. But only Wen Jiabao has publicly honored his mentor’s legacy.

The picture chosen from the Hu Yaobang family photo collection shows Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao standing next to Hu Yaobang, and it supports the message of the paragraph quoted above. But when a man is the CCP’s chairman and secretary general, where else would aspiring cadres want to stand?

I have no great doubts that the feelings of both Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao towards Hu Yaobang and his family remained friendly indeed. Wen Jiabao or one of his top officials aren’t unlikely authorizers of Hu Dehua’s meeting with  Garnaut. But that doesn’t mean that Hu Jintao or Wen Jiabao would need to see eye to eye with Hu Yaobang or Hu Dehua, on matters of liberalization. Having seen former Nazi and Communist foot soldiers sitting next to each other and having a beer in West Germany’s 1970s, I seem to understand that no matter how deep political and ideological differences may run, human feelings or even friendship may outlast totalitarianism – if those who retain some human feelings, no matter how low life may get, survive the ideologies at work.

Bo Xilai is out. If he will actually be tried – for alleged corruption, or for offense against party discipline, or whatever, will be a different question. It has been suggested that his adversaries, i. e., apparently, most of the top party leaders,  may shy away from bringing him to trial, because this would deepen the public impression that the party leadership may not be united.

But another explanation would be a fear that such a trial, too, could amount to a little or middle cultural revolution, and could even lead to a big one in the end.
____________

Note

^*) Wang Meng (王蒙), a Chinese writer and former politician, describes similar discussions between a cadre and his son, in the late days of the Cultural Revolution, in The Butterfly (1983, partly auto-biographical). The father’s attitude in Wang’s novel is becoming more liberal, but a gulf remains between the ways the cadre and his son see their country, as the son’s lesson drawn from the Cultural Revolution is to distrust the state as a matter of principle.

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Related

» No World Outside, March 28, 2012

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Wen Jiabao’s School, according to Hu Dehua

Beneath Wen Jiabao‘s carefully layered comments, writes John Garnaut, there

is a profound challenge to the uncompromising manner in which the Chinese Communist Party has always gone about its business. And to grasp what the Cultural Revolution means to Wen Jiabao requires taking a journey through the life of his mentor, the 1980s reformist leader Hu Yaobang who ran the Communist Party in its most vibrant era.

Garnaut extensively quotes Hu Dehua, Hu Yaobang‘s youngest son, to explain Wen’s position. This story counts Hu Jintao, Wen Jiabao, Xi Jinping, and Li Keqiang in as open (Wen Jiabao) and not-so-open supporters of Hu Yaobang.

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Related

Message to a Barbarian, June 26, 2011
The Center Forever, March 13, 2011
Hu is Popular, April 17, 2010
Charter 08 Seminar, December 8, 2009
Hu Yaobang and Hu Qiaomu, April 17, 2009

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Wen Jiabao’s Endgame: neither Law, nor Order

Wen Jiabao at the World Economic Forum in Davos, 2008 (Wikicommons, click on this picture for source)

The State Council outlined the main areas of the economic system’s reform for 2011, on a regular meeting on April 20th, chaired by chief state councillor Wen Jiabao. Besides the usual buzzwords – stability, scientific development, and improving the economic system’s ability to react to economic challenges, capital movement and forms of investment (including private investment or 民间投资) were high on the agenda, too, according to Xinhua, as quoted by China National Radio (CNR).

Another prominent issue, though more familiar than capital issues, was the people’s livelihood (民生), in terms of income distribution and social insurance, both in urban and rural areas, and the establishment of an affordable housing system (住房保障体系). All that and more, plus basic public services – a concept that has been mentioned more and more frequently during the past months, mostly in connection with the concept of “social management”.

It may be tempting to focus on the issue of human rights violations alone. After all, such violations can most easily – and justifiably – be seen in simple terms. The CCP’s and its propganda agents’ attempts to sell it as something more “complicated” can be easily – and correctly -, be condemned. But sometimes, the question is asked if the current political stagnation will continue beyond the expected change in leadership in 2012 / 2013. To go beyond the obvious – that the CCP’s human rights violations are reasons to worry about our interactions with China -, and to “try to predict the future”, we have to go far beyond statements about how we feel. The past six or seven months have been decisive and should be looked at closely, and frequently.

One should bear in mind if there was anyone among China’s leaders who ever came (remotely) close to being a standard bearer of individual rights as the essential prerequisite for a functioning economy and a stable society, it would be Wen Jiabao – for a month, that is, from September to October 2010. But Wu Bangguo, the National People’s Congress’ (NPC) chairman and party secretary, trashed practically every idea of political reform, in favor of “social management” (see second part of this March 13 blogpost), in his work report to the 4th session of the 11th NPC. A Central Committee session in October 2010 – see next paragraph – had shown him (and Wen) the way.

Wen Jiabao is nearing the end of his second term as chief councillor, and party secretary of the State Council – he will probably step down in March 2013, along with the entire “fourth generation” of top leaders, including Hu Jintao (in his capacity as state chairman. As party chairman, Hu is likely to step down in November 2012). Only a month after Wen Jiabao had mentioned a need for reforms of our political system, People’s Daily hit back, in October last year: the Fifth Plenary Session of the Seventeenth Central Committee had decided to adhere

to the road of socialism with Chinese characteristics, upholding the party’s leadership, the role of the people as the masters of their country, the organic unity of government work and the rule of law, the active and prudent promotion of political restructuring, and the continuous advancement of the socialist political system, self-improvement, and development (党的十七届五中全会强调：“坚持中国特色社会主义政治发展道路，坚持党的领导、人民当家作主、依法治国有机统一，积极稳妥推进政治体制改革，不断推进社 会主义政治制度自我完善和发展”).

The editorial citing these central committee findings then interpreted them as an uncompromising adherence to “a hard-earned and efficient political system”. Given that People’s Daily is part of the CCP apparatus, this is exactly the way the central committee (more specifically: the politbureau) does view China’s political system. Wu Bangguo’s work report reflected the Central Committee’s endorsement for the political status quo.

Wen, who had pointed out in September 2010 that

if economic reform doesn’t get the protection that comes from reforming the political system, it won’t be fully successful, and even the achievements made so far could still be lost again,

will spend the remaining twenty-two months of his term as chief councillor on tinkering with the “economic system” alone. That the political system will become an issue once again within less than two years is highly unlikely – the times may be changing fast, but experience tells that CCP’s policies do not. In the light of the months preceding the numerous arrests of dissidents and other shitlisted Chinese citizens – Ai Weiwei is, after all, only one out of many -, one can quite safely predict that there may be more surprises from the CCP’s operational activities and reactions to changing times, but that there will be no more long-term strategic changes.

Bereft of all options to improve political protection for his economic reforms, Wen’s task starts looking depressing. Alright – Tingyi, a major food manufacturer, won’t increase the price for its instant noodles, China’s migrant workers’ most common lunch, writes Felix Lee, in a report for German weekly Die Zeit. This piece of good news about price stability, at least on one item of daily use, is meant to be a signal from the government that there are measures against inflation after all, writes Lee. “Our vigilance” – re inflation – “must never falter”, Wen is quoted by Lee. And to reduce liquidity, and therefore “hot capital” within the market, banks are told to recommend the purchase of gold to its customers, as gold absorbs liquidity without the effects that speculation on property (housing) or food would have.

That’s as much as Wen’s State Council can do for now. “The economic system’s ability to react to economic challenges” will mostly remain a theory, probably even beyond Wen’s last battle.

His most likely successor is Li Keqiang (Hu Jintao reportedly wanted him to become his successor as party and state chairman, but wasn’t able to get him accepted by the collective leadership, and Hu Jintao himself will be succeeded by Xi Jinping, who hails from Jiang Zemin’s political school.

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Related
Human Rights: throw them a Bone, April 16, 2011
China Developers Could Resist Cheap Housing Push, WSJ, April 11, 2011
Seasonal Considerations: Safeguarding “4.9″, February 19, 2011
Inflation: the Emperor’s new Thermometer, February 16, 2011

Learning Chinese with the CCP: Dangwai

On the eve of the traditional Spring Festival, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China held a forum with non-party members (党外人士, dǎng wài rénshì), inviting delegates from the central committees of each democratic party, comrades from  the All-China Federation of Industry and Commerce, and personalities without party affiliation to a happy get-together at Zhongnanhai, to greet the new year,

reports Xinhua (via Enorth).

Jia Qinglin chaired the meeting, Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang attended.

Hu Jintao, attending a spring festival military gala in his capacity as CMC chairman, Xinwen Lianbo, January 24, 2011

State affairs were discussed together (共商国是) and old friendship recalled to greet the new year. CCP Central Committee secretary-general, state chairman and central military commissions’ chairman Hu Jintao, on behalf of the CCP’s central committee and the state council, extended his sincere greetings and Spring Festival wishes to the central committees of all democratic parties, to the All-China Federation of Industry and Commerce comrades, to all persons without party affiliations, and to the wide membership of the United Front (统一战线). Hu Jintao emphasized that the accomplishment of the tasks of this year’s development goals depended on people from every party, every group, every nationality, every [social] class, and from all walks of life working together for the nation. Ninety years after the establishment of the CCP we should summarize and express the CCP’s and every democratic party’s, the All-China Federation of Industry and Commerce’s, and non-party affiliate’s magnificient progress (光辉历程), in deepest sincerity to each other (肝胆相照 gān dǎn xiāng zhào), and their shared fate (风雨同舟 fēng yǔ tóng zhōu), guide the United Front’s wide membership to carry on and further develop the glorious tradition (继承和发扬光荣传统, jìchéng hé fāyáng guāngróng chuántǒng), uphold and perfect the ideals and beliefs of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics, uphold and perfect cooperation and consultation among the political parties under the leadership of the CCP and their close cooperation with the CCP, and ensure that the policies laid out by the CCP central committee are implemented.

[Listing further attendees, including Du Qinglin (杜青林), head of the United Front work department of the CCP, and "Taiwan Democratic Self-Government League central committee" chairwoman Lin Wenyi (林文漪) as speakers at the meeting.]

Everyone agreed that 2010 had been an outstanding chapter in the great progress of reform and opening of the country (2010年是我国在改革开放的伟大进程中写下精彩篇章的一年). Led by the CCP’s central committee with Hu Jintao as its secretary-general, the nationalities of China had made their way forward united, of one mind, and persistently, promoted every project’s development and achieved new important successes.

The Xinhua article keeps emphasizing the CCP’s leading role, and lists the topics of affairs discussed: the strengthening of social services in rural China, water conservation, the development of strategic industries, cross-strait cultural exchanges, and suggestions as to how effectively correct unhealthy practices (不正之风, bù zhèng zhī fēng) which hurt public interests.  Hu Jintao conscientiously listened to all the speeches (认真听取大家的发言), and then delivered an important speech himself (发表了重要讲话), thanking for the United Front work of 2010, and pointing out the importance of implementing the CCP’s 17th party congress resolutions, the Deng Xiaoping Theories (邓小平理论), and Jiang Zemin’s “Three Represents” (三个代表), scientific development, economic transformation, and outstanding questions in socio-economic development. The 12th Five-Year plan would be crucial in building a moderately prosperous society (小康社会, xiǎo kāng shèhuì).

Hu emphasized that questions of the people’s livelihood and society’s harmony and stability was of the greatest concern to the national development plan.

We hope that all comrades will persist in putting the people first, profoundly understand the importance of doing the work among the masses in the new situation, support the party in uniting the masses, contacting the masses, and serving the masses, and that they will understand the situation in society (社情) and public opinion (民意), follow the public opinion (顺民意), and alleviate the people’s worries (解民忧).

Hu Jintao pointed out that ever since the founding of the CCP, ninety years ago, it had been proven in practise that one heart and one mind [literally: virtue]  in thought (思想上同心同德), one heart and one direction for the goals (目标上同心同向), and one heart and one direction in terms of action (行动上同心同行) had been the outstanding features of the cooperation and consultation between the democratic parties under the leadership of the CCP, and the guarantee of our victory in  continuously winning the revolution (不断夺取革命, bùduàn duóqǔ gémìng), construction, and reform. We hope that all comrades will conscientiously sum up historical experience, further encourage patriotic dedication (进一步激发爱国奉献, jìnyībù jīfā àiguó fèngxiàn), contribute to a sense of responsibility and creativity, and continuously improve skills of participation in state affairs.

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Vocabulary

风雨同舟	(fēng yǔ tóng zhōu)	to share a common fate, to be in the same storm-tossed boat
团结	(tuán jié)	to unite, unity
民意	(mínshēng)	public opinion / popular will
民生	(mínshēng)	the people’s livelihood
以人为本	(yǐ rén wéi běn)	with the people first, people-oriented
十二五 (全国十二五规划)	(shí èr wǔ)	The 12th Five-Year plan
社会和谐稳定	(shèhuì héxié wěndìng)	society’s harmony and stability
群众	(cānzhèng yìzhèng)	the masses
参政议政	(cānzhèng yìzhèng)	participation in state affairs

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Related
United Front (PRC), Wikipedia
Don’t simplify the Big Topic, January 30, 2011
Taiwan needn’t fear United Front Tactics, Focus Taiwan, Jan 27, 2011
World Media Summit: be more Xinhua, October 10, 2009
China’s United Front goes to Europe, China Post, Febr 11, 2009
Hermit: Delegates make a Big Difference, March 6, 2009
Hu stresses a United Front, Xinhua, July 13, 2006