1. Radio Botswana
Another log that takes a look at African radio, after these notes on Voice of Nigeria in September. Radio Botswana is owned by the government of the southern African country where the diamonds are forever. Radio Botswana broadcasts in English and Setswana, and appears to have done so since about 1966, formerly as Radio Bechuanaland. (Yes, KT, the station is online, too, and at least one out of the country’s two million citizens is a musician.)
Obviously, China Radio International (CRI) or, more precisely, a company with a name that amounts to Global Field Media company (环球广域传媒公司), has opened a studio there, but only recently. The Chinese ministry of foreign affairs reported on July 16 this year that on July 15, CRI’s director Wang Gengnian (王庚年), Chinese ambassador to Botswana Zheng Zhuqiang (郑竹强), a deputy secretary from the Botswanean presidential office of public administration as well as delegates from the a/m Global Field Media company, Radio Botswana and from Chinese and overseas Chinese circles had been present at an opening ceremony of a CRI Gabarone program studio (中国国际广播电台哈博罗内节目制作室). CRI is scheduled to contribute material to the programs produced there, as is Radio Botswana.
Three days later, according to Xinhua, Wang Gengnian and the Global Field Media company were in Zambia, for the inauguration of an Overseas Chinese Weekly (华侨周报) there. China’s ambassador to Zambia, Zhou Yuxiao (周欲晓) also attended the ceremony.
The Voice of America (VoA) operates from Moepeng Hill, Botswana, some twenty kilometers from Selebi-Phikwe. According to the British DX Club’s Africa on Shortwave, Radio Botswana was last heard on shortwave in early 2004 (In Britain, anyway). That said, the station is a domestic broadcaster, with no ambitions to be heard worldwide.
2. Recent Logs
International Telecommunication Union letter codes used in the table underneath:
ARG – Argentina; BOT – Botswana; CUB – Cuba; IRL – Ireland; NZL – New Zealand; THA – Thailand; TIB – Tibet.
C – Chinese; E – English; F – French.
S (strength) / I (interferences) / O (overall merit)
5 = excellent; 3 = fair; 1 = barely audible.
|4920||PBS Tibet||TIB||E||Nov 2||16:00||2||4||2|
|4905||PBS Tibet||TIB||E||Nov 2||16:00||1||2||1|
|5040||RHC Cuba||CUB||E||Nov 3||05:45||4||5||4|
|5040||RHC Cuba||CUB||E||Nov 3||06:45||5||5||5|
|5040||RHC Cuba||CUB||E||Nov 3||07:00||5||5||5|
*) See 1) Radio Botswana.
The following is an account of (including some quotes from) a Xinhua article, republished by Enorth (Tianjin).
“Local government reform is an issue of our revolution that involves a broad range of interests in their depths.” Chief state councillor Li Keqiang said in a video and telephone conference on local government functional transformation and institutional reform held the other day that if the reform of central government is part one, the reform of local government is part two. It needed to be considered with all things taken into consideration, and thought about with thorough knowledge, so as to write a good complete chapter of government reform.
Experts have pointed out that in previous cases of government functional transformation and institutional reform, there had been “a lot of action at the top, but many discounts [on the promises] further down”. The new round of streamlining administration and delegating powers to the lower levels (简政放权) has now entered its key phase of comprehensive deepening, and if good policies [or guidelines] can be truly implemented will prove in the difficulties and focal points of government functional transformation and institutional reform.
Li is also quoted as saying that government reform was meant to facilitate government-market relations, government-society relations and relations between the center and localities to bring the market more fully into play. Overcoming the challenges of deepening reform from within government at the local levels would constitute the last mile of streamlining administration and delegating powers to the lower levels, and provide the dividends of reform (改革红利) all the more effectively.
The article also quotes a Development Research Center of the State Council researcher, Zhang Liqun (张立群), as saying that streamlining administration and delegating powers to the lower levels – a move for decentralisation, reduction of administrative examination and approval, and stimulation of the private sector’s vitality – was showing initial effects.
The state council had decentralized more than 300 items of administrative examination and approval, the article says, and during that time, the number of company registrations had risen by 25 percent. Among these, the number of private-enterprise (民营企业) and individual-enterprise (个体企业) registrations had risen by 37 percent. These had grown more rapidly than the rate of government investment.
Li Keqiang seems to put the onus of success flatly on the local or regional governments, describing the devolution of of responsibilities as the fulfilled task of the central government. He was seconded by Wang Yukai, a Chinese Academy of Governance professor, who repeated Li’s point that the local levels needed to take responsibility, adding that the central and local government needed to be consistent (上下一贯), and that they needed to guarantee that government decrees went unimpeded (政令畅通).
Both the calamities [or vicious cycles] of “easing once, chaos comes” and “administering once, death comes” needed to be avoided, Li told the conference – his wording suggests that it wouldn’t be the first time that a balance of easing without losing control (疏而不漏) could be lost.
The conference is portrayed as a concert, with Li and the Academics taking turns in plowing through local conscience, reminding the object of their speeches that more than nintety percent of civil servants and 85 percent of government finance (or public economy?) were, in the end, local.
Only the second-last paragraph contains the remarks of a local official – but he does have the last word in the article. Ma Wenda (马文达), head of a health supervision bureau in Guyuan, Ningxia, told the conference that in his place, 48 people had to supervise 1,264 food-and-catering-related companies, 560 public places, 91 medical facilities and 176 schools. Supervising all these scattered places was not easy.
Li Keqiang has the final word: Some authorities had become rather big on the surface, but small further down, like ostriches. Everywhere, efforts needed to be made to strengthen what needed to be strengthened, weaken what needed to be weakened, and above all strengthen the grassroots. Upper levels needed to trim fat, and grassroot levels needed to be strengthened.
The Chinese Communist Party’s 18th Central Committee’s third plenary session is scheduled to begin on Saturday, and to close on Tuesday. The Economist is full of joy and great expectations:
When colleagues complain that meetings achieve nothing, silence them with eight leaden words: “third plenary session of the 11th central committee”. This five-day Communist Party gathering in December 1978 utterly changed China.
Why should Xi Jinping be in a position to repeat a similar plenum tomorrow, 35 years after the 1th Central Committee? Because Xi, and chief state councillor Li Keqiang, have assembled an impressive bunch of market-oriented advisers, and because Xi himself appears to have more authority than any leader since Deng. And he had done nothing downplay expecations.
The Economist’s editorial mentions two fields on which the central committee – in its view – should focus: state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and the countryside. The magazine has been banging on about the latter issue since March 2006 – if not earlier. In its March 25, 2006 edition, it suggested land reform (“how to make China even richer”), and it saw some of its expectations met in winter 2008, but the third plenum that Xi’s predecessor Hu Jintao chaired in October 2008 proved an anticlimax.
If the next days should not produce spectacular decisions, neither the Economist nor the Financial Times appear to be too worried: bloated phrasing, the FT suggests, has not been an obstacle to far-reaching economic policy changes in China over the past 35 years. The FT also agrees with the Economist’s 2008 finding that
for Hu Jintao, Mr Xi’s predecessor, the 2003 third plenum became a marker of his administration’s shortcomings. Mr Hu vowed at the plenum to tackle China’s unbalanced growth, but a decade later left office with the economy even more reliant on investment.
But contrary to the Economist, the FT doesn’t seem to believe that the input from the market-oriented advisers, assembled by Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang, will translate into results quite as dramatic as the think-tank papers. Incremental change would prevail.
One of the ideas – certainly not shared by all Chinese leaders alike – behind the right to farmers to sell their land is that the money earned from sales would enable them to start new lives in the cities or in urbanized areas. This would, apparently, require loosening or abandoning the household-registration system, even if some more conservative models of trading land-related rights rather seem to encourage rural citizens to stay where they are.
This should make sense – maybe not everywhere, but in many places. After all, Hu Jintao’s and Wen Jiabao’s caution wasn’t unfounded. The history of Chinese agriculture seems to have been about making farmers owners of their land – with concepts of ownership which most probably differ from our days -, even if for different goals. The idea then was to make agriculture work, not to make urbanization work. And time and again, land concentrated, back into the hands of small elites, Erling von Mende, a sinologist, suggested in a contribution for a popular-science illustrated book published by Roger Goepper, in 1988.*)
If a peasant in Gansu province sells his few mu of land – to a local developer, for example – and heads to a big city, one may doubt that his small capital would get him very far. He might return to his home province as a poorer man than ever before. It’s unlikely that the center would loosen all the brakes at once.
The most striking thing to me about recent foreign coverage of the plenary session aren’t the technicalities, however. It is the way China is being looked at as just another kind of political system. The potential of big business seems to have squashed ethical issues.
That’s not soft power, but it is Beijing power. A number of former foreign officials, among them Mexico’s former president Ernesto Zedillo and former British prime minister Gordon Brown, pilgrimaged to the Chinese capital to attend a conference of the 21st Century Council, a global think tank (apparently formed by them). They
got an invitation for tea met with Xi Jinping, too, who informed them that China would not fall into the middle-income trap.
There is no reason to believe that elites who worship abusive power abroad will show more respect for human rights at home.
*) Roger Goepper (Hrsg.): “Das Alte China”, München, Gütersloh, 1988, pp. 164 – 166
Links within the following blockquotes were added during translation / quotation — JR
Kerry Brown, a professor of Chinese politics at the University of Sydney, recently asked in an article for the BBC if China’s “non-interference policy” was sustainable.
Although China’s global influence had grown during the past decades, Brown wrote,
[..] Chinese leaders still stay as close as they can to the principles of peaceful coexistence and non-interference set out by Zhou Enlai. Despite the fact that the world has changed so radically in this time, these principles are useful because they avoid China being dragged into situations that overstretch and challenge it, they avoid it being pushed into a corner where it can be painted as a foe of the US and the rest of the developed world, and they allow it to continue focusing on its own formidable internal development issues.
Indeed, China’s profile remained low in the Syrian conflict, so far, and seemed to follw Russia’s diplomatic wake rather than pursuing a globally visible role of its own (which does not necessarily mean that Beijing sees eye to eye with Moscow on each and every issue).
At the same time, not only foreigners wonder where China is when it comes to the current crisis (or its recent defusing). Domestic Chinese press does describe China’s position at times, not least to keep face-conscious readers happy, probably.
Xinhua newsagency, for example, carried an interview with China’s special Mideast envoy Wu Sike (吴思科) on September 10 this year. Excerpts:
The Syrian “chemical weapons” issue is confusing, and it hasn’t yet been possible to determine who is right and who is wrong, I have once lived in Syria for four years, and my impression of the locality was very good. Before the chaos caused of the war, it was a society of moderate prosperity [or a moderately well-off society], with many historical relics, and very friendly people. But now, according to UNHCR statistics, the number of refugees who fled abroad has surpassed two million, with one million of them children, and six million people are displaced within Syria. These aren’t just numbers; this is the suffering of homeless Syrian people who even lost loved ones. Who wants to be responsible for aggravating their crisis?
Wu Sike describes his role in Mideast diplomacy:
Last year in December, I took part in a conference in Bahrain, and the participating countries all thought that the United Nations should mediate. Now, America tries to be above international situations, which is a really high-handed behavior. But the intriguing thing this time is that America’s allies, such as Italy or Germany aren’t positive [about America's approach]. Therefore, China unequivocally advocates opposition against military methods, and advocates political means to solve the Syrian conflict. War will only complicate the situation further, intensify contradictions and clashes, and is no way to solve the problem. Therefore, political means should be used for a solution.
The Mideast situation is complex. When I visited Cairo, Arab-League general secretary Nabil Elaraby believed that the current problem was that the Syrian government believes that they still have strong troops to overcome its opponents. But the opposition believes that if only they persist for another day, there will be people abroad who will support them. Neither side wanted to abandon military means to protect itself, and there’s an impasse. Under such circumstances, efforts by the international community are required. The UN have now started an investigation of the chemical-weapons incident. To go to arms before the investigation’s findings are published runs counter to the purpose of the “UN Charter”. All parties should wait for and respect the findings of the investigation.
中东地区的形势错综复杂，我在开罗访问的时候，阿盟秘书长阿拉比认为现在的难点是叙利亚政府认为自 己手中还有强大的军队，能够征服他的反对者。而反对派认为只要自己坚持一天，国外就有人会支持，双方都不愿放弃军事手段来保卫自己，这是一个死结。因此， 在这种情况下，需要国际社会的努力。
Two years earlier (and this should not suggest that Wu Sike never talked again, prior to September this year), Wu Sike also commented on Mideast affairs. Back then, his Mideast and Syria comments were embedded in a broader picture of Chinese diplomacy.
Public Diplomacy Net was established on May 1, 2011, with former Chinese foreign minister Tang Jiaxuan, former chairman of the foreign aff airs committee of the “Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference” Zhao Qizheng, Commission for Africa member Ji Peiding and Chinese special Mideast envoy Wu Sike as the website’s advisors.
Soon after, in September 2011, Wu Sike was interviewed by the website, or responded to netizens’ questions. The main topic at the time was a white paper on China’s peaceful development, issued earlier that month on September 6, but as Middle-East special envoy, Wu was also asked questions related to the Middle-East peace process and the growing Syria conflict.
One of his answers further down in the following blockquote could count as an answer to the question at the beginning of this post, asked by Professor Brown, as to why China sticks to a low profile. The Chinese wording for “low profile” – or hiding your brightness and biding your time, depending on your translation, is 韬光养晦, is attributed to Deng Xiaoping.
Wu Sike’s answer to the first question of the interview is lengthy, and contains several paragraphs.
Public Diplomacy Net (PDN) / Wu Sike (WSK)
PDN: Special Ambassador Wu, the information office of the state council published the “China’s Peaceful Development” white paper on September 6, please explain the main content of the white paper to our netizen friends.
WSK: The white paper on “China’s Peaceful Development” has received broad attention at home and abroad. It is the declaration of China’s peaceful development, a roadmap, with absolutely important significance. It provides, for the first time, a comprehensive and systematic explanation of China’s path of peaceful development, the strategy and foreign policies of China’s peaceful development. It states Chinese path of peaceful development, the goals of peaceful development, and actively responds to the questions about how China wants to apply its strength and foreign relations and similar issues.
The white paper explains China’s development path, and strategic direction still more comprehensively, systematically and clearly to the world. Peaceful development has become China’s national will. The white paper officially defines the conceptof “core interests“, it points out that China will resolutely protect its core national interests, including the country’s sovereignty, security, territorial integrity, national unity, China’s political system and general social stability as established by the constitution, the basic guarantees for sustained economic and social development.
The white paper explains how the big country with its 1.3 billion people develops on the path of socialism, sums up its content and its characteristics, especially emphasizes that peaceful development is socialism with Chinese characteristics’ essential content, raises peaceful development to the rank of national will, turns it into the overall national development plan and fundamental policy, and implements domestic and external practice.
China is a responsible big country, the white paper uses the “promote and build a harmonious world, maintain the standing-of-one’s-own-and-peace foreign polciies, advocates the new security concept of mutual trust, mutual benefit, equality [of states, apparently] and cooperation, an international concept of active international responsibility, pursuing good-neighborly regional cooperation concepts”, thus summarizing China’s peaceful-development foreign policy. Among these, Active international responsibility has appeared in a public official document for the first time. Cooperation on environmental issues is discussed as an organic part of a harmonious world.
Peaceful development is the national will. Therefore, as Chinese citizens, we need the concept of peaceful development to be reflected in our practical work. Also, we need to let the world understand the firm idea of China’s peaceful development.
After studying the white paper, I felt that there needs to be a deepened understanding from two aspects:
One is that peaceful development is the call of our times. We can see from the world’s historical development that [a country's?] strength leads to hegemony [or tyranny], and when a great power rose, it always replaced another great power by force, making both of them suffer. History has developed to a new era, and this road should be taken. In these times of globalization and rapid technological development, we should build a harmonious world with the methods of win-win. This is the requirement of global development and a certainty of historical development.
The second [aspect] is the fulffillment of “peace” as China’s concept with its great and far-reaching significance, as seen from China’s traditional culture. From ancient times, China’s philosophy has been about the “unity of nature and humanity”, that national characteristics [or identity] “values peace”, that there is diversity in harmony, about exploring inclusiveness, about open-mindedness, good-neighborliness and friendliness – this is the guiding spirit of China’s exchange with the outside world.
[This para is an incomplete translation] The Silk Road which opened more than two-thousand years ago, has enriched our culture and development through trade and cultural interaction, agriculture and our species. It has made lives richer.
More than six-hundred years ago, China’s famous navigator Zheng He took his seven voyages to the Western seas, to western Asia, eastern Africa, to thirty countries and regions. It was a big fleet, but they didn’t carry armed force. They carried concepts of friendship and peace. They promoted bilateral exchanges, and bequeathed us a much-told tale. Historically, China maintained an ideology that valued peace.
After the establishment of New China, we first issued the five principles of peaceful coexistence. This is both a fundamental policy in Chinese diplomacy and a manifestation of traditional Chinese civilization: mutual respect, no interference into each other’s internal affairs, etc.. After that, through our continuous development and changes, we have continuously enriched the five principles on their [own] foundation. In economic exchange, China maintains equality and mutual benefit and cooperational win-win. In terms of security concepts, mutual trust, hand-in-hand cooperation, it’s facing the traditional and non-traditional global security threats. Another advocacy is a kind of green development concept, humankind’s common care for the earth, and environment protection.
PDN: This interview has attracted many netizens’ attention, many have asked questions, and in the following, we would like to ask special envoy Wu Sike for some answers.
PDN: A netizen asks, which role is China playing in the Middle-East peace process?
WSK: The hot spot of the Middle East is a global concern. China’s regional peace and stability is also closely interrelated with global peace and stability. Therefore, China has always paid attention to the Mid-East situation, and has made unremitting efforts for Mid-Eastern peace.
PDN: What is the base line of “peaceful development”?
WSK: China’s peaceful development is our national policy. We will unservingly take the path of peaceful development, and also, the “white paper” has clearly defined China’s core national interests, which won’t waver in the least, either. Only when there is respect for the other side’s core interests, peace can be effectively protected, and sustainable development be put into place.
PDN: What is your understanding of “hide your brightness, bide your time“?
WSK: To keep a low profile and to actively make a difference is an important principle of China’s diplomacy. To keep a low profile is no makeshift measure. China needs to achieve comprehensive rejuvenation, to make efforts for another long period, and in this process, we always need to be modest and prudent, learn others’ strengths, and while developing economically, we need to change the ways of development, achieve scientific development, and even if Chjna has developed strongly, we must maintain peaceful policies. That’s in the fundamental interest of the Chinese people, and in line with the interests of the peoples of the world.
吴 思科：坚持韬光养晦，积极有所作为，这是中国外交的一条重要原则，韬光养晦不是权宜之计，中国要实现全面复兴，还需要经历一个很长时间的努力，在这个过程 中我们始终需要谦虚谨慎，学习别人的长处，在经济发展的同时还需要转变发展方式，实现科学发展，即使中国发展强大了，也必须继续坚持和平的方针。这是中国 人民的根本利益所在，也符合世界人民的共同利益。
PDN: How does China pursue win-win in cooperation?
WSK: China has always adhered to the policy of cooperational win-win, and has explored this new method of cooperation. Cooperational win-win has created favorable conditions for our country’s economic development, and has also made a contribution to global economic development. As for myself, I have been involved in promoting Chinese cooperation with Arab and African countries, achieving cooperational win-win projects which are too many to enumerate. These projects have been mutually beneficial, this is cooperation needed by both sides, and they have ample prospects.
吴 思科：中国在对外合作方面一直遵循合作共赢的方针，并不断探索扩大这种合作的新的方式，这种合作共赢、共同发展的合作理念为我国的经济发展创造了有利的条 件，同时也为世界经济的发展做出了贡献。我本人就曾经参与推动中国和阿拉伯国家、非洲国家的合作，实现合作共赢的合作项目不胜枚举，这些项目都为双方带来 的共同利益，。这种合作是双方的共同需要，也有着广阔的前景。
PDN: What, in your view, are the main points about the China’s peaceful development “white paper”?
WSK: I think they are the clear definition of China’s core interests, at the same time explaining the six big characteristics of China’s peaceful development, which are scientific development, development standing on one’s own, opening up development, peaceful development, cooperation development, and common development. You could say that this is a high degree of summarization with strong guiding significance for what fits our national situation in the sixty years since the establishment of New China, and especially for the more than thirty years of reform and opening up.
吴 思科：我认为最大的亮点是明确界定了中国的核心利益；同时阐述了中国和平发展的六大特征，就是科学发展、自主发展、开放发展、和平发展、合作发展、共同发 展。可以说这是对新中国成立60年特别是改革开放30多年来我国探索适合自己国情发展道路实践的高度总结，有很强的指导意义。
PDN: As the Middle-East envoy, how do you see the current situation in the Middle East?
WSK: The Middle East is experiencing the biggest upheaval and change since more than half a century, with far-reaching effects to the region. In a situation of international change, big developments, and major adjustments, people there are seeking change, seeking development, improvement for the peoples’ livelihoods, and these are absolutely reasonable demands. We hope that some countries in the region can achieve peaceful change, find their own ways of development that fit into the new situation, soon achieve stability, with the fulfillment of the peoples’ demands. We also hope that in the Mideast hotspots, issues can be solved through negotiations, and peacefully, which is in the interest of all countries and peoples in the region, and also beneficial for global causes of peace and stability and development.
吴 思科：当前中东正经历近半个世纪以来最大的政治动荡和变革，对该地区正在产生深远的影响。在国际形势大变化、大发展，国际格局大调整的情况下，该地区的人 民求变革、求发展、求改善民生，这是完全合理的诉求。我们希望该地区的一些国家能够实现和平的变革，找到新形势下适合各自发展的方式，早日实现稳定，使人 民的诉求能够得以实现。同时也希望中东地区的热点问题能够通过谈判的方式实现和平解决，这既是该地区各个国家和人民的利益所在，也有利于世界的和平稳定和 发展事业。
[The following two questions and answers discuss the way China is seen from outside, the "China threat talk" (所谓中国威胁论), "cold war mentality", hopes and fears about China's development, etc, and China's role in peacekeeping missions.]
The following is a translation of the top news of CCTV’s main newscast, Xinwen Lianbo, aired on August 30. Links within the translation added during translation.
CCTV online news (Xinwen Lianbo): On the eve of the National Games of the People’s Republic of China‘s opening ceremony, CCP Secretary General, State Chairman, and Central Military Commission Chairman Xi Jinping paid a special inspection visit to the Shenyang combat zone troops. He emphasized that the implementation of the party’s goal of a strong army under new circumstances needed to be deepened, that the building of the troops needed to be comprehensively strengthened, that the ability to perform missions and responsibilities needed to be improved, to make yet bigger new contributions.
央视网消息（新闻联播）：中共中央总书记、国家主席、中央军委主席习近平在出席十二届全运会开幕式 前夕，专门视察了沈阳战区部队。他强调，要深入贯彻落实党在新形势下的强军目标，加强部队全面建设，不断提高履行使命任务能力，为维护国家主权、安全、发 展利益作出新的更大贡献。
Xi Jinping has always shown great interest in the construction and crew training of China’s first aircraft carrier. In the morning of August 28, after getting off the plane, he braved the wind and the rain and came to the Naval Aircraft Integrated Testing and Training Base, watched the carrier-based aircrafts taking off from ski-jump ramps, landing-blocking training, and inspected relevant equipment on the ground. On seeing the pilots completing all kinds of trainings very efficiently, Xi Jinping was most happy and applauded them enthusiastically. Xi Jinping cordially received the first batch of officers on board, the test pilots, and the pilots of the carrier-based aircraft, and strongly appreciated the excellent skills and virtuosity shown by the pilots under complex weather conditions. Xi Jinping also listened closely to an introduction of the carrier-based aircrafts’ design and functions, required the technicians in charge to conscientiously analyse the aircraft test flight data, and to climb to the top of science and technology. On leaving, he encouraged everyone to make persistent efforts, to deepen their studies, to learn diligently and to train proficiency, tp become excellent carrier-based aircraft pilots soon.
习近平一直十分关心我国第一艘航空母舰建设和部队训练。28日上午，他一下飞机就冒着风雨来到海军某舰载机综合 试验训练基地，观看舰载机滑跃起飞、阻拦着陆训练，实地察看有关设备。看到飞行员们干净利落完成了各项训练科目，习近平十分高兴，为他们热情鼓掌。习近平 亲切接见了首批上舰指挥员、试飞员和舰载机飞行员，高度赞赏飞行员在复杂气象条件下表现出的过硬本领和精湛技艺。习近平还仔细听取了舰载机设计和性能介 绍，要求有关科技人员认真分析战机试飞数据，不断攀登科技高峰。临别时，他勉励大家再接再厉、深入钻研、勤学精练，早日成为优秀的航母舰载机飞行员。
On that day in the afternoon, again through wind and rain, Xi Jinping went to Dalian, to board the “Liaoning” naval vessel there. The military flag fluttered in the wind, the sailors stood in good order and the “Liaoning” greeted a moment of glory. Xi Jinping inspected the guard of honor, then climbed up a ladder, then to the hangar, the battle stations, he inspected the equipment and facilities, enquired about the technical and tactical performance, and about the officers’ and men training situation. Xi Jinping showed great concern for logistical support, accomodation [of the crew], food, medical care, and asked detailed questions. He accepted the ship emblem and ship cap, carefully prepared by the sailors, and solemnly signed his name in the logbook. At parting time, Xi entered the gangway, affectionately waved to the sailors, told the ship captain and political commissar to be mindful of their duties, not to dishonor their mission, to shape combat effectiveness and security effectiveness soon, and to make their contributions to a powerful People’s Navy.
当天下午，习近平又风雨兼程赶往大连，登上停泊 在大连港的辽宁舰。军旗迎风飘扬，水兵整齐列队，辽宁舰迎来了一个庄严光荣的时刻。习近平检阅了水兵仪仗队，随后攀舷梯、下机库，深入舱室战位，察看舰上 装备设施，询问技战术性能，了解官兵工作训练情况。习近平十分关心舰上官兵后勤保障情况，住宿、饮食、看病等，他问得很详细。习近平接受了水兵们精心准备 的舰徽、舰帽，郑重在航泊日志上签名。离别时，习近平登上舷梯，向水兵们深情挥手，他叮嘱辽宁舰舰长和政委，你们要牢记职责，不辱使命，早日形成战斗力和 保障力，为建设强大的人民海军做贡献。
On the afternoon of August 29th, Xi Jinping visited the Shenyang Military Region authorities, received officers from the divisional level upwards, and heard the Shenyang Military Region work report. Xi Jinping fully affirmed the achievements made in the building of Shenyang Military Region troops during recent years. He emphasized that the implementation of the party’s goal of a strong army under new circumstances was related to national defense and the overall situation of troop building, and the army’s performance of their missions and responsibilities. We need to persist in the deep implementation of the goal of a strong army in the building of the troops, vigorously promote the learning and education of the goal of a strong army, uphold the connection between theory and practice, make good use of transformation, to make it a strong driving force for strengthen the comprehensive building of the troops, deepening the reform and innovation of the troops, and for promoting military preparedness. Always hold on to and listen to this spirit of a strong army under the party’s command, by active work on your own initiative, to occupy the troops ideological, cultural, and public-opinion position. Make sure about the troops’ loyalty, absolute purity [or honesty], absolute reliability, so that they always, under all circumstances, firmly obey the party’s central committee and the central military commission. The party committees on all levels must play a leading role at the core in the realization of the goal of a strong army. They must lend efforts to improving the standards of scientific decision-making, democratic decision-making, and of decision-making in accordance with the law. The implementation of the goal of a strong army must be expanded to the grassroots and the most outlying points, the enthusiasm, self-initiative, and creativity of officers and soldiers for the realization of the goal of a strong army be brought into play, to firmly build the solid foundatoin for the goal of a strong army.
29日下午， 习近平来到沈阳军区机关，接见驻沈阳部队师以上干部，听取沈阳军区工作汇报。习近平对近年来沈阳军区部队建设取得的成绩给予充分肯定。他强调，贯彻落实党 在新形势下的强军目标，关系国防和军队建设全局，关系我军有效履行使命任务。要坚持在部队建设中深入贯彻落实强军目标，大力推进强军目标学习教育，坚持理 论联系实际，搞好转化运用，使之成为加强部队全面建设、深化部队改革创新、推进军事斗争准备的强劲动力。要始终扭住听党指挥这个强军之魂，以积极主动的工 作占领部队思想阵地、文化阵地、舆论阵地，确保部队绝对忠诚、绝对纯洁、绝对可靠，任何时候任何情况下都坚决听从党中央、中央军委指挥。各级党委要发挥在 实现强军目标中的核心领导作用，着力提高科学决策、民主决策、依法决策水平。要推动贯彻落实强军目标向基层拓展、向末端延伸，发挥广大官兵为实现强军目标 而奋斗的积极性、主动性、创造性，切实打牢实现强军目标的坚实基础。
Xi Jinping emphasized that there is the need to continue the in-depth construction of the army style in accordance with rising standards, to achieve a fundamental improvement in the building of the army style. In accordance with the general requirements of “looking in the mirror, tidying our attire, taking a bath and curing our diseases”, concentrate on the continuous solution of the four working-style problems of formalism, bureaucratism, hedonism and extravagance, aim at the problems, we must do a good job in rectification, and make sure that special rectification achieves real effects. We must keep the doors open and engage in activities, work and pull together to solve problems, and, achieve solid education. From top to bottom, we must maintain our grasp, one level on the other, and one level leading the other in [the process of] change. We must establish a scientific and reasonable set of rules and regulations, and promote the working-style normalization and durability. Other tasks must be accomplished at the same time with strengthening the work style, with scientific coordination, organic combination [the term might come close to synergy effects], grasping two links at the same time and being mindful of advancing both of them.
习近平强调，要坚持按照标准更高、走在前列的要求不断把部队作风建设引向深入，努力实现 作风建设根本性好转。要按照“照镜子、正衣冠、洗洗澡、治治病”的总要求，集中精力持续解决“四风”问题，针对问题抓好整改，确保专项整治取得实实在在的 成效。要坚持开门搞活动，群策群力把问题解决好、把教育实践活动搞扎实。要坚持自上而下抓，一级抓一级，一级带着一级改。要建立一整套科学合理的法规制 度，推动作风建设常态化长效化。要把加强作风建设同完成其他各项工作任务结合起来，科学统筹、有机融合，做到两手抓、两促进。
Xi Jinping pointed out that support for local economic construction needed to be made an important task, that a good job at supporting the poor and the hardship-stricken, assistance for students and education, medical support, the building of a new [rural] countryside etc. needed to be done. The fields and scopes of integration of the military and civilians needed to be expanded, the defense economy and society’s economy be promoted, military-use and civilian-use technology, army talents and local talents be developed in mutually compatible ways. Support and participation in the construction of local ecological civilization, combined military-civilian efforts in good protection and development of the fertile white mountains and the black water [characteristics of northeastern China, which Liaoning province with its capital Shenyang is part of] was needed.
习 近平指出，要把支援地方经济建设作为一项重要任务，深入做好扶贫帮困、助学兴教、医疗扶持、支援新农村建设等工作。要拓展军民融合的领域和范围，积极推进 国防经济和社会经济、军用技术和民用技术、部队人才和地方人才兼容发展。要支持和参加地方生态文明建设，军民合力把美丽、富饶的白山黑水保护好、发展好。
Finally, Xi Jinping emphasized that right now, the Shenyang Military Region troops needed to play a role as the main force and a shock brigade in flood-relief efforts, protect the safety of the people’s possessions and the fruits of its economic construction. Security and supporting tasks for the 12th National Games needed to be fulfilled meticulously, to make an active contribution to “safe and peaceful National Games”. Fan Changlong, Wang Huning, Li Zhanshu and Wu Shengli, Liu Xiaojiang, Wang Jiaocheng and Chu Yimin took part in the relevant activities [of Xi Jinping's visit].
Beijing and Pyongyang may be like teeth and gum as brothers in arms (OK, basically, and not always when it comes to North Korea’s people-to-people diplomacy level). Anyway, here is some disharmony from the central levels, in broad daylight (European time).
Pyongyang’s shortwave signal on 13760 kHz comes in handily a few minutes before 15:00 hours GMT, only to be drowned by China Radio International (CRI) a few seconds before the full hour. Not on the same frequency, actually – China’s shortwave transmitter, probably located near Kashgar, blows the North Korean signal away with CRI’s Mandarin program. Both the Chinese and North Korean transmissions seem to target Europe, and while the Chinese signal on 13755 is doing fine, Pyongyang’s on 13760 becomes hard to copy, even with a narrow bandwith.
No clue where the target area of China’s 15245 kHz transmission, also at 15:00 GMT, is, but either way, that’s exactly the second frequency where you might get a good signal from North Korea (if CRI wasn’t there – in English). The same frequency in this case, rather than 5 kHz further down.
Radio is about signals. So is diplomacy. Is this coincidence? Carelessness? Intentional? Or does shortwave hardly matter for North Korea, as a Deutsche Welle article suggested earlier this year, in an article about Voice of Korea’s German service?
Even North Korean friendship societies don’t listen to the foreign broadcasts. People get their information about the situation on the peninsula from newspapers or the internet, employees of two organizations in Germany and Austria say. So why a German-speaking foreign broadcaster?
A foreign broadcasting station in different languages was an important status symbol for Pyongyang, Kai Hafez, communications scientist at Erfurt University, tells Deutsche Welle. “Countries like North Korea want to prove their modernity with their foreign broadcasts. One needs to have that, no matter if it has an effect, or if it hasn’t.”
Doch selbst nordkoreanische Freundschaftsgesellschaften hören den Auslandsfunk nicht. Man informiere sich aus Zeitungen und über das Internet über die Lage auf der Halbinsel, ist von Mitarbeitern zweier Organisationen in Deutschland und Österreich zu hören. Warum also ein deutschsprachiger Auslandssender?
Ein Auslandsrundfunk in verschiedenen Sprachen sei für Pjöngjang vor allem als Statussymbol wichtig, sagt Kai Hafez, Kommunikationswissenschaftler an der Universität Erfurt, im Gespräch mit der Deutschen Welle. “Länder wie Nordkorea wollen mit ihrem Auslandsrundfunk einen Modernitätsnachweis liefern. Man muss so etwas haben, ganz egal, ob es wirkt oder nicht”.
Even if Hafez is right – or especially if he is right about the status issue – the interference won’t go down well with Pyongyang. North Korea only operates on a few frequencies. Chinese broadcasters – CRI and domestic stations – operate on many. So many that it is hard to tell if this interference is intentional or not.
Trust between North Korea and China is limited anyway, when it comes to shortwave radio. When North Korea bought one (or several) of the more recent transmitters bought by North Korea, from a Chinese manufacturer, BBEF Science & Technology Co., Ltd., in 2011, the company – according to their website – had to train the North Korean technicians in China, rather than on the ground in North Korea: the transmitters(‘) location(s) in North Korea were a state secret.
Song Luzheng (宋鲁郑) is a journalist and (semi-)official living in France. The following are excerpts from an article published by Guanchazhe, a Shanghai-based website, on Thursday, and republished by the nationalist Huanqiu Shibao (online), also on Thursday. The article also appears on his regular blog.
Quotes made by Song Luzheng within the excerpts and translations underneath are my translations from Chinese to English. The wordings of the actual English-language originals (including book titles) by Niall Ferguson and Thomas Friedman may be different.
The bloody way in which the Egyptian military cracked down on the Morsi supporters has shocked the world. One after another, European countries condemned the “big terrorist massacre”, but Kerry, the secretary of state in charge of America’s diplomacy, of the world’s most developed democracy, with a surprising smile on his face on a press conference, didn’t condemn the military massacre in the least, and only uttered that this was “deplorable”, that “violence was no solution and only brought about more instability and economic disaster” (but who used violence? The protesters?). Also, the only “sanction” the Obama administration imposes is “the military exercises with Egypt may be cancelled”. This is completely different from condemning the situation in Syria and taking action. Apparently, public intellectuals under American influence, abroad and at home, are in a hurry to stand on the side of the military which massacres peaceful Egyptian citizens.
埃及军方如此残酷的血腥镇压穆尔西的支持者， 举世震惊。欧洲各国纷纷表态谴责这起“恐怖大屠杀”，而世界上最发达的民主国家美国，其主管外交的国务卿克里竟然笑容满面地出席记者会，对埃及军方主导的 大屠杀毫无谴责，仅仅说了一句“悲惨的”，并不痛不痒地说“暴力不是解决方案，通向暴力的道路只能带来更大的不稳定、经济灾难”（但谁在使用暴力？抗议者 吗？）。与此同时，奥巴马政府的官员提出的唯一“制裁”措施竟然是：“可能取消与埃及的军事演习”。这和美国谴责叙利亚的态度和采取的行动完全不同。看 来，受美国影响，海内外的不少公知们很快也要站在屠杀埃及平民的军方一边了。
Most of today’s developed countries, with the exception of Britain, went through times of destruction, writes Song, and adds:
In fact, China went through a similar experience, only at a higher cost. This was the Republic of China, founded in 1912. Simply-put, the Republic of China didn’t bring China independence, nor did it bring China unity, let alone an era of strength, prosperity and dignity. In its short 37 years, the economy went into bancruptcy, there was warlordism, large-scale civil war, invasions by foreign enemies, territorial disintegration, corruption from the top to the bottom etc., and until it [the ROC] withdraw from the stage of history, China had almost reached the status of a savage nation. Life expectancy was at 35 years, illiteracy up to 80 percent. The only time in several thousands of years that China fell behind India was at that time. Not even the Cultural Revolution managed to do that. China at the end of the Qing dynasty faced three challenges: extreme poverty and weakness and encirclement by big powers, national disintegration, and military split by warlordism, and the Republic of China not only failed to provide solutions, but worsened even further. If one says that the Qing dynasty was a big collapsing building, the Republic of China not only failed to work on the Qing dynasty’s foundations, but even lost that foundation. It was at that time that Outer Mongolia was lost without a war, as the first territory in China’s history.
其实中国自己也曾有过类似的经历，只是代价更为不菲。这就是 1912年建立的中华民国。简言之中华民国是一个既没有带给中国独立、也没有带来统一，更没有带来富强与尊严的时代。在其短短的三十七年间，经济陷入破 产，军阀混战，大规模的内战，外敌入侵，国土分裂，从上到下的完全腐败，等到它退出历史舞台的时候，中国已几乎到了“蛮荒亡国”的地步：人均寿命不足35 岁，文盲高达80%。中国几千年唯一一次落后于印度就在此时，甚至文革都未能做到一点。清末中国面临的三大挑战：极端的贫困和积弱不振、列强环伺的生存危 机、国家的分裂和军队的军阀化，中华民国不但一个都没有解决，反而更加恶化。如果说清朝是倒塌的大厦，中华民国则不但连清理地基的工作都未能做到，而且把 地基都丢掉了。外蒙古也就是这个时期，成为中国历史上首个不是因为战败而丧失的领土。
Although a high price for democratic transition was a historical law [anyway], there were still more special factors at work in Egypt, according to Song: it was particularly poor, it was under the impact of the global economic crisis and of revolution at home, an unemployment rate of 31 percent (only nine percent before the revolution), and adding to that, illiteracy was at 27 percent, with female illiteracy at 69 percent. A well-performing democracy needed an economic base and universal education. Lacking secularism in the Islamic world is also cited as a factor.
Also, some Muslim societies have long lacked a spirit of compromise and tolerance. This national character displays itself in a firm position and no concessions. This led to a situation where, when a ruler [Muarak] made concessions, prepared to move toward democracy, the country missed out on this top-down transition model which would have come at rather low costs, and even after a democratic success, and used extreme methods to solve conflicts. This happened both in Tunisia and in Egypt. When Muarak announced that he wouldn’t stay in office for another term and that his sons wouldn’t participate in elections, and that after his current term, there would be comprehensive, free and fair elections, the masses rejected this. As a result, power was transferred to the military, thus extending the transition period. And after one year of rule by Morsi, the first president elected by the people was pushed off the stage by another street revolution, causing nation-wide confrontation and resulting in an unprecedented bloody tragedy. This kind of lack of compromise has already strangled Egypt’s democracy in its cradle. History shows again and again that what is born in a pool of blood is only violent, not democratic.
再者，有些穆斯林社会长期缺乏妥协和宽容精神，这种国民性在革命时可以表现 为立场坚决，绝不退步。却也造成当执政者做出让步，准备走向民主时，国家错过从上而下的、代价较低的转型模式，甚至在民主成功之后，采用极端手段来解决冲 突。这一幕在突尼斯和埃及都反复上演。当穆巴拉克宣布不再连任、自己的儿子也不参选、任期届满之后即进行全面、自由、公正的选举时，却被民众拒绝了。结果 权力被交给军方，大大延长了过渡期。随后又在穆尔西执政一年后，再次以街头革命的方式，将首位民选总统赶下台，造成全国性的对抗，终至演变成空前的血腥悲 剧。实际上，这种不妥协，已经把埃及的民主扼杀在摇篮中。历史已经一而再地证明，在血泊中诞生的只有暴力，而不是民主。
Revolutions like these were most likely to happen in demographically young countries, Song continues. Japanese media had pointed out that therefore, a revolution was unlikely to happen in a country like China, which was older on average, and with only one child per family.
The West itself was equally in trouble, writes Song, enumerating the share of respective national debt as a share of GDP. All of those shares were above the internationally accepted warning line of 60 percent.
The trouble was that democratic systems were based on the expectation that the people were perfect, and wouldn’t allow abuse. Unreasonable public expectations made politicians accept even unreasonable demands:
By using the ballot box in this Western system, people can force politicians to accept unreasonable and even perfectly unreasonable demands. Today’s Western debts come from deficit spending [今天西方国家普遍出现的债台高筑寅吃卯粮], high levels of welfare are hard to sustain and impossible to reform, the masses idly indulge in a life of pleasure and comfort, and falling competitiveness and falling economic growth have their sources here.
西方危机的深层根源就在于它实行的一人一票的民主制度。当今民主制度有一个理论假想：政府是应有 之恶，要进行限权，但对人民却又认为是道德完美、能够做到绝对正确。事实上，人民的全体和个体的人民一样，都有先天性的人性缺憾，比如好逸恶劳贪得无厌、 目光短浅急功近利等等。而任何权力包括民权没有限制都会被滥用。于是在西方这种制度模式下，民众可以通过选票迫使政治人物接受并非理性、甚至完全不合理的 诉求。今天西方国家普遍出现的债台高筑寅吃卯粮、高福利难以为继却无法改革、民众日益懒惰贪图享乐、竞争力下降经济增长乏力的根源就在于此。
When it is said that traditionally socialist countries with absolute public ownership of means of production (and economic equality) has proven a failed utopia, the failure of Western democratic societies as another big Utopia with absolute equality (one man, one vote) is now also being proven.
Song mentions the role of Wall Street’s five largest investment banks in the 2008 U.S. elections:
While collusion between officialdom and business in China still requires secrecy, it happens in broad daylight in the West.
Apparently based on the bestseller “This Town”, Song details his statement about democracy.
This book’s grim conclusion is this: transactions between power and money has become a thorough procedure. America has become exactly the way of the Roman empire in its late stage, before its collapse: Systematic political corruption, evil action as the usual practice, and legal offense in vogue.
In the face of the crisis of Western democracy, more and more scholars are waking up. Niall Ferguson, one of the West’s most renowned and influential historians, called “one of the world’s 100 most influential people” by “Time”, wrote - after writing “Money and Power” and “Civilizaton” – about “The Western Civilization’s four Black Boxes”. In this book he argues that questions about the decline of the West lies in the degeneration of the institutions. Representational government, free markets, the rule of law, and civil society were once western Europe’s and North America’s four pillars, but are now in decay. The root lies in the irresponsibility to which the voting people have turned, living at the costs of future generations.
面对西方民主的危机，越来越多的学者开始醒悟。当代西方声誉最高、影 响力最大的历史学者，被《时代》周刊称为“影响世界的100人”之一的尼尔·弗格森，在《金钱与权力》、《文明》后，又推出一本新作：《西方文明的4个黑 盒子》，在这本书中，他认为西方衰落的答案就在西方的建制正在退化。代议政体、自由市场、法治、公民社会，曾是西欧、北美社会的四大支柱，但在今天这些建 制已败坏变质。根源则在于作为选民的人民变得不负责任，使一代选民得以在牺牲未来数代人利益下过日子。
This is also why the “New York Times’” columnist Thomas Friedman, in his new book “[The World is] Hot, Flat, and Crowded”, goes as far as titling one chapter “If America could be China for one Day”. He gives an example: “If need be, China’s leaders can change the regulatory system, the standards, infrastructure to safeguard the country’s long-term strategic benefit. If such issues get discussed and implemented in Western countries, I’m afraid it takes years or even decades.” [...]
这也是为什么《纽约时报》专栏作家托马斯·费里德曼新书《世界又热又平又挤》有一章的标题竟然是这样的： 假如美国能做一天中国。他举例道：“如果需要的话，中国领导人可以改变规章制度、标准、基础设施，以维护国家长期战略发展的利益。这些议题若换在西方国家 讨论和执行，恐怕要花几年甚至几十年的时间。” [.....]
This is where Song Luzheng gets back to Egypt, as a painfull lesson for Egypt itself, but a fortune for China (埃及的惨痛教训，对于中国实是极为宝贵的财富).
There are the three major human civilizations: Christian civilization, Islamic civilization, and Confucian cvilization. Only the Western democratic system can keep pace with China’s political civilization. But this kind of Western system has developed to today’s dysfunctionality, increasingly unable to adapt to the challenges of globalization. Apparently, Chinese civilization cannot be refused to play an important role among the world’s civilizations!
We can say that the decline of Western democracy and China’s institutional civilization full of vitality are humankind’s greatest and most influential change. In the old days, China’s huge contributions to humankind weren’t only reflected in economics, but more importantly in its institutional civilization. These days, as China is becoming strong and prosperous again, it will also, once again, carve out another height of institutional civilization for humankind.