The Weeks before June 4: Struggling for the Ideological Switch Stands

[Cont. April 23, 1911

Main Link: 1989 年 4 月 24 日 星期日

Li Tieying and Li Ximing both agree with Li Peng that strict measures should be taken against the students' movement. At 8.30 in the evening, Li Peng goes to see Yang Shangkun to analyse the situation. Yang also sees a changing trend and encourages Li Peng to see Deng Xiaoping. Li Peng asks Yang to join him in a visit to Deng, and Yang agrees. During the evening, as Li Peng reads many papers and adds  comments to them, and a flow of public-security bureau, security, education commission staff etc, concerning trends among the students in all places keeps coming in, by phone and cable.

Science and Technology Daily's entering into the forbidden area of coverage receives a great echo, and from the morning on, people call this paper to tell the staff that they had written in fair words. However, vice chief editor Sun Changjiang says that they haven't done something special, and just acted in accordance with professional ethics, in their effort to carry out their duty as the media. Their [Science and Technology Daily] coverage hadn’t been particularly good; rather, he believes, that of some other papers has been particularly bad. The event is authentic, and their attitude is sincere.

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Monday, April 24, 1989

Main Link: 1989 年 4 月 24 日 星期一 (same document)

In the morning, sixty-thousand students from some 38 colleges and universities such as Beijing University, Tsinghua University, People’s University (Renmin University) begin a strike. Some students gather within the universities, conduct sit-ins, demonstrations, put up posters, and others shout slogans like “join the strike quickly”, “no end to the strike without reaching our goals”, and “walk out on lessons and exams, not on learning”.

Some students give lectures on societal issues, put up propaganda sheets, propagate “April 20 massacre”, “crying-and-begging to the non-understanding government” information, and still others take to the streets and lanes, for fund-raising and to call on “all the city’s citizens to become active in strikes”. Students from Beijing University, Tsinghua University and People’s University maintain order, and dissuade students from taking part in lessons. Some university party secretaries point out in reports to the next-upper party level that the current situation, if it lasts, will be absolutely harmful, and that one has to fear that this could take still larger dimensions as May 4 is approaching. They express their hopes that the central committee and the municipal committee issue clear guidelines, policies and instructions to end the strikes as soon as possible.

At 14:40, student committees at Beijing University and other universities hold meetings at the May-4 squares on their campuses, with some eighty percent of students attending. They prepare activities to boycott official May-4 activities and to establish autonomous students unions in Beijing and students unions of national unity all over the country. Some papers report that student delegates from Nankai University,  Nanjing University, Fudan University, Guangzhou University and other universities are also attending. Nearly two-hundred students with red armbands are maintaining order. As several members of students committees publicly push and pull each other on stage in a quarrel twice, more than six-thousand students at the meeting are abuzz. The meeting ends at 16:00 in discord, without having made any decisions. Dozens of foreign reporters have been present and recorded the event. A press conference by the preparatory committee, scheduled for 7 p.m., is subsequently cancelled.

Beijing University posts the “Recommendations to the Preparatory Committee, signed by people from Beijing University” poster, suggesting to redraw the slogans and action principles in order to get public support. The slogans should oppose corruption and bureaucracy, actions should be carried out downtown, at broad daylight, so as to broaden their influence, unified action would be needed between the universities and colleges, preparations be made for a long-term struggle, and extensive contacts be built with people from intellectual and democratic circles.

There is also another poster, under the headline “five points”, about “guaranteeing basic human rights, releasing political criminals, opposing party supremacy, checks and balances by separation of the three powers, defining a democratic constitution” and other political positions.

More than twohundred Beijing University teachers jointly call for maintaining the principles of the thirteen universities to consult the students and to have a dialog with them. A similar call comes from the China University of Political Science and Law [Wu Renhua's university]. The Beijing Students Autonomous Federation (aka Capital Autonomous Federation of University Students) calls on every student to send ten letters to compatriots all over the country. Between two- and threehundred students are to be dispatched to fifteen large cities all over the nation, such as Tianjin, Jinan, Shenyang, Changsha, Chengdu, Xi’an, Lanzhou, Shijiazhuang, Zhengzhou, Guangzhou, Taiyuan, Shanghai, Nanjing and Wuhan  to deliver speeches and to make contacts.

A peaceful petition meeting at Tsinghua University started a peaceful demonstration within the campus, at eight in the morning, with about ten thousand students participating. It’s an orderly demonstration with a length reaching two kilometers.

The Tsinghua University Students Council puts forward four principles concerning the students’ strike:

1. to maintain the reasonable struggle and the peaceful petition
2. to maintain unity and the power of all that can be united
3. to adhere to the strike on lessons, not on learning
4. to make sure that cool heads prevail among the younger students.

Educational departments from all over the country give their reactions to the State Education Commission, expressing their hope that the situation at Beijing’s universities and colleges can be stabilized soon, as it would otherwise be difficult to control the situation at universities outside the capital.

In the evening, Ren Wanding, who was responsible for the “Human Rights Alliance” time of the Xidan Democracy Wall, speaks on Tian An Men Square. He says: “the people are destitute, robbers arise from everywhere, prices are soaring, and the national economy is in crisis. If the four cardinal principles don’t vanish from the constitution, they will keep hanging over the people’s interests.”

Ren Wanding has also been to the universities of Beijing to speak there, but without much response, as the students didn’t understand him, and because they felt that his views were radical. When Chen Xiaoping and I watched him speaking in front of the dormitory of the University of Political Science and Law, there was only a sparse audience. Both Chen and I felt saddened.

In the afternoon, Li Ximing and Chen Xitong report to National People’s Congress chairman Wan Li. Wan Li was Beijing’s vice mayor prior to the cultural revolution. He suggests that the politburo’s standing committee should analyse the situation in the evening, chaired by Li Peng.

[According to this account by Wu Renhua, this meeting was held on the evening of April 24. This source seems to suggest that this happened on April 23.]

The standing committee, chaired by Li Peng, believes that a variety of events are indicating that under the control and instigation of very few people,  a planned, organized anti-party, anti-socialist political struggle is arranged before their eyes. The decision is made to form a group tasked with stopping the unrest, and requires Beijing’s party and government to stabilize the situation quickly, by winning over the majority of the masses and by isolating the minority, and by calming down the unrest. Standing committe member Li Peng, Qiao Shi, Hu Qili, Yao Yilin, as well as  – with no voting rights – Yang Shangkun, Wan Li, central party secretary Rui Xingwen, Yan Mingfu, Wen Jiabao, (not standing) politburo members Tian Jiyun, Li Ximing, Song Ping, Ding Guangen as well as people in charge at the relevant departments are attending the meeting.

In the evening, Li Peng receives a phonecall from Deng Xiaoping‘s secretary Wang Ruilin, inviting Li Peng and Yang Shangkun to his home at ten a.m. next day for discussions.

The World Economic Herald, a weekly from Shanghai, normally scheduled to appear today, has six blocks of content from a memorial forum held in cooperation with the New Observer magazine (新观察) on April 19. The 25 participants spoke highly of Hu Yaobang’s humanness, as a person of democratic open-mindedness [or liberalism - 民主开明], and of deep humanity. Science and Technology Daily vice chief editor Sun Changjiang [see above, entering into the forbidden area of coverage], Guangming Daily‘s reporter Dai Qing, and Yan Jiaqi of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences political science institute state more clearly that Hu Yaobang was forced to resign, and that he died while being treated unfairly. 300,000 copies of the World Economic Herald were printed by Saturday, some of it already at the post offices, while the remainder is stored at the printing house. But when Shanghai’s municipal party committee is informed about some of the content, it orders the postal offices to stop the dispatch of the papers, and seals the remaining copies in the printing house off. In the afternoon, the CCP municipal committee has a meeting with World Economic Herald chief editor Qin Benli in the afternoon, telling him that what is said in the account of the forum is correct, but that, as May 4 comes nearer, they fear that this could stirr the students’ emotions, add to the pressure on the government, and express their hope that the more sensitive content will be removed. The World Economic Herald does not agree with the cuts and revisions.

At the time, the World Economic Review’s Beijing office is the meeting point for democratic and liberal personalities. The office director Zhang Weiguo has strong campaigning skills and is broadly connected. Because of having led the [memorial] forum and for other reasons, he will be arrested after the June-4 crackdown.

To be continued

Xi Jinping’s Speech on Sunday: China Towering, but Development remains Overriding Ideology

Both an important speech (重要讲话) itself and the Chinese press coverage are part of the same decoration team, aiming at not only creating a verbal message, but an atmosphere, too. Newly elected state chairman Xi Jinping‘s speech on Sunday was no exception.

Today, our People’s Republic stands towering in the East of the world.

今天，我们的人民共和国正以昂扬的姿态屹立在世界东方。

Comrade Hu Jintao held the post of state chairman for ten years, and with a wealth of political wisdom, excellent leadership qualities, assiduous work spirit, did outstanding deeds to uphold and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics, won the love and support from all the nationalities of China and the international community’s universal praise. We express our sincere gratitude and greatest respect to Comrade Hu Jintao!

胡锦涛同志担任国家主席10年间，以丰富的政治智慧、高超的领导才能、勤勉的工作精神，为坚持和发展中国特色社会主义建立了卓越的功勋，赢得了全国各族人民衷心爱戴和国际社会普遍赞誉。我们向胡锦涛同志，表示衷心的感谢和崇高的敬意！

Approving the predecessors: vote on last year’s government work report et al.
Click photo for CCTV coverage.

No need to repeat oneself. In Xinhua newsagency’s coverage, it is Xi Jinping himself who stands towering:

Wearing a dark-blue suit and a red tie, the membership hanging on his chest, Xi Jinping, tall of stature, stood smiling, calmly and self-confident. His voice clear, bright and vigorous, looking frank and honest, resolute and steadfast, he revealed the power of stirring people to action.

身着深色西装，佩带红色领带，胸挂出席证，身材高大的习近平微笑站立，从容自信。清朗而浑厚的声音，坦诚而刚毅的目光，透出激奋人心的力量。

“To achieve the construction of a moderately prosperous society, and the goal of a strong and prosperous, democratic and civilized, harmonious socialist modern motherland, to achieve the Chinese dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, this means achieving modern national prosperity and strength, vigorous national revitalization, and the happiness of the people …”

“实现全面建成小康社会、建成富强民主文明和谐的社会主义现代化国家的奋斗目标，实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦，就是要实现国家富强、民族振兴、人民幸福……”

Witnessed by the Great Hall of the People, under the stars of its dome, under surges of applause, Xi Jinping firmly said:

人民大会堂见证，在繁星点点的穹顶下，在如潮涌动的掌声中，习近平坚定表示：

To bring about the Chinese dream, we must take the Chinese road.
To bring about the Chinese dream, we must advance the Chinese spirit.
To bring about the Chinese dream we must cohere Chinese power.

——实现中国梦必须走中国道路。

——实现中国梦必须弘扬中国精神。

——实现中国梦必须凝聚中国力量。

This is the duty the leaders of the People’s Republic of China take for the motherland, the people: we must never be complacent, we must never be sluggish, we must make persistent efforts, advance boldly, continue to push forward the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and continue to struggle for the achievement of the Chinese dream of China’s great rejuvenation.

这是共和国领导者对祖国、对人民的情怀和担当：我们不能有丝毫自满，不能有丝毫懈怠，必须再接再厉、一往无前，继续把中国特色社会主义事业推向前进，继续为实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦而努力奋斗。

This is our promise to the people: The Chinese dream is, after all, the dream of the Chinese people, it must firmly rely on the people to achieve it, it must continuously bring benefit for the people.

这是对民族的承诺：“中国梦归根到底是人民的梦，必须紧紧依靠人民来实现，必须不断为人民造福。”

That much from the Xinhua report, and back to the actual speech:

development remains the overriding (or absolute) strategic ideology (我们要坚持发展是硬道理的战略思想), said Xi, thus quoting “Deng Xiaoping theory”, but added that the fruits from development should benefit the entire people in a fairer way – and that China was still in “the first stage of socialism”.¹⁾

Taiwan didn’t escape a mention either²⁾:

Numerous Taiwanese compatriots and mainland compatriots join hands and support, maintain and promote cross-strait relations and peaceful development, enhance the happiness and benefit of compatriots on both sides of the Taiwan Strait, jointly set up the new and further prospects of the Chinese nation. Numerous overseas Chinese want to make contributions to carry forward the Chinese nation’s the fine, diligent and kind Chinese tradition, and work diligently to advance the motherlands development, to promote the Chinese people’s and local people’s friendship.

广大台湾同胞和大陆同胞要携起手来，支持、维护、推动两岸关系和平发展，增进两岸同胞福祉，共同开创中华民族新的前程。广大海外侨胞，要弘扬中华民族勤劳善良的优良传统，努力为促进祖国发展、促进中国人民同当地人民的友谊作出贡献。

The Chinese people love peace. We will hold the banner of peace, development, cooperation and win-win high, we won’t change our road of peaceful development, we won’t change the strategy of mutual benefit and opening up, we will make efforts to cooperate friendly with all the countries of the world, fulfill our international responsibilities and duties, continue to work with all people in all countries to advance the lofty cause of humankind’s peace and development.

中国人民爱好和平。我们将高举和平、发展、合作、共赢的旗帜，始终不渝走和平发展道路，始终不渝奉行互利共赢的开放战略，致力于同世界各国发展友好合作，履行应尽的国际责任和义务，继续同各国人民一道推进人类和平与发展的崇高事业。

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Notes

¹⁾ 31 members of the 12th National People’s Congress (NPC) are farmers-turned migrant workers, China Radio International (CRI) reported on Sunday. That number was a tenfold increase from the 11th NPC. But they are hardly a match to the 90 NPC members who appear to be worth at least 1.8 billion Yuan (The Economist, March 16, 2013, page 53).
²⁾ Stability in Hong Kong and Macau was an issue addressed by Xi, too. One day later, on March 18, Xi reminded visiting Hong Kong chief executive Leung Chun-ying that implementation was the key to the chief executive’s vision of “seeking change while maintaining stability” in Hong Kong.
“I’m not an idiot either”, replied Leung. (No, Leung said no such thing. This is just a malicious rumor, courtesy of JR.)

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Related

» Nods to Public Concerns, NY Times, March 14, 2013
» Delegates make Difference, March 6, 2009

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Rising China, Rotten Diplomacy: No Game-Changer in Sight

Chinese leaders established a China Public Diplomacy Association in Beijing on December 31 last year. English-language party mouthpiece China Daily carried a news article on page 4 one day later, either because of the expected importance the new organization might carry, or because of the relative prominence of at least two participants in the event, foreign minister Yang Jiechi (杨洁篪) and former foreign minister Li Zhaoxing (李肇星, now chairman of the National People’s Congress foreign affairs committee).

What strikes me in the article is that Yang Jiechi isn’t his own party boss in the foreign ministry. His vice minister, Zhang Zhijun, is. Wu Bangguo on the other hand  is both chairman and party secretary of the National People’s Congress (see notes underneath that post). Not sure how many ministers (if any) double as minister and their ministry’s party secretaries. At the ministry of health, it is also the vice minister who doubles as party secretary, while at the ministry of culture, the minister takes both the state and the party function. Minister of Public Security, Guo Shengkun, also doubles in both functions. He took both the positions in December.

Does this indicate something about Yang Jiechi, or about the importance of his job as foreign minister – i. e. the importance of irrelevance of diplomacy? Not necessarily. But there are other indicators, too. Yang wasn’t even a member of the 17th politbureau (let alone its standing committee). Late in November, in an article for CNN, Linda Jakobson pointed out that the power status of diplomacy within the Chinese leadership was unlikely to rise.

So, one shouldn’t expect the China Public Diplomacy Association to become a game-changer. It’s nice for the (public) diplomats that the 18th National Congress – referred to by Yang Jiechi as quoted within the article translated below – gave public diplomacy a mention in its report. But if that’s something to celebrate, it sheds a sad light on the discipline as a whole. No wonder that Zhao Qizheng, director of the CPPCCs foreign affairs committee, longs for the good old days of Zhou Enlai‘s “convivial diplomacy” (official, semi-official and people-to-people diplomacy). Zhou, after all, was a member of the politburo’s standing committee – and for the first nine years after the establishment of the PRC, he was also its foreign minister. In the 1970s, foreign relations were still a job for the top, and in February 1979, Deng Xiaoping celebrated the improving Sino-American relations with an attack on Vietnam.

We probably have to see the inaugural session of the China Public Diplomacy Association in the light of those glory days – it’s a contrast that doesn’t make either official or unofficial diplomacy look important these days.

Maybe the new situation, frequently mentioned by Yang in his congratulatory speech, is just that situation. But then again, maybe not.

Form your own opinion if you can.

Source:
Committee for Friendship with Foreign Countries of Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference Shanghai Committee, January 8, 2013.

Main Link: Tell China’s story well, let China’s voice be heard. China Public Diplomacy Association established, Zhou Taitong attends. (讲好中国故事 发好中国声音 中国公共外交协会成立 周太彤出席)

On December 31, 2012, the China Public Diplomacy Association inaugural meeting was held at Diaoyutai Guest House, with foreign minister Yang Jiechi, foreign ministry party secretary and vice minister Zhang Zhijun and other leaders participating and unveiling the association’s nameplate. Shanghai Municipal People’s Consultative Conference vice chairman and Shanghai Public Diplomacy Association’s vice director Zhou Taitong represented Shanghai’ Public Diplomacy Association at the meeting.

2012年12月31日，中国公共外交协会成立大会在北京钓鱼台国宾馆举行，外交部部长杨洁篪，外交部党组书记、副部长张志军等领导出席并为协会揭牌。上海市政协副主席、上海公共外交协会副会长周太彤代表上海公共外交协会出席会议。

At this first general assembly, the “China Public Diplomacy Association charter (draft) was passed, National People’s Congress foreign affairs committee chairman and former foreign minister Comrade Li Zhaoxing was elected as the association’s first president. [1] Former ambassador to Britain and to the Council on Security Cooperation in Asia and Pacific Region Ma Zhengang; [2] China Museums Association deputy director, China Council for the Promotion of Peaceful National Reunification director, and [3] Central Research Institute of Culture and History staff member Comrade Shu Yi were elected as deputy presidents, and China Institute of International Studies fellow Song Ronghua was elected secretary-general.

在协会召开的第一次会员大会，通过了《中国公共外交协会章程（草案）》，选举全国人大外事委员会主任委员、前外交部长李肇星同志为首任会长，选举中国前驻英国大使、亚太安全合作理事会中国委员会会长马振岗、中国博物馆学会副会长、中国和平统一促进会理事、中央文史研究馆馆员舒乙同志为副会长，中国国际问题研究所研究员宋荣华为秘书长。

Minister Yang Jiechi delivered the congratulatory speech. He pointed out that public diplomacy, in a new situation, is an objective requirement for perfecting the design of our country’s diplomacy, and important in broadening our country’s diplomatic work. The 18th National Congress report says that “we must sturdily promote public diplomacy and cultural exchanges”. This exacts higher demands on the promotion of public diplomacy under the new situation. In the new situation, promoting public diplomacy and cultural exchanges means putting efforts into mutual knowledge between China and the world, deepening China’s relations with the world, as well as promoting China’s and the world’s benign interaction and common development. We must develop and expand equality and mutual trust, be tolerant of each other and learn from each other in the spirit of win-win cooperation, we must strengthen dialog and exchange with the peoples of the world, promote mutual understanding, trust, friendship, and cooperation. Developing public diplomacy requires ample use of resources from all walks of life and bringing all factors from society into play. We hope that the China Public Diplomacy Association will carry out and implement the spirit of the 18th National Congress, make major contributions to the cause of China’s public diplomacy, and build fine foundations for the public-opinion environment and the will of the people.

杨洁篪部长在会上致贺辞。指出，公共外交是新形势下完善我国外交布局的客观要求，是我国外交工作的重要开拓方向。党的十八大报告提出，“我们将扎实推进公共外交和人文交流。”对新形势下推进公共外交提出了更高要求。新形势下，推进公共外交和人文交流，就是要着力促进中国与世界的相互认知，深化中国同世界的关系，推动中国与世界的良性互动和共同发展。我们要大力弘扬平等互信、包容互鉴、合作共赢的精神，加强同世界各国人民的对话交流，促进相互了解、信任、友谊与合作。开展公共外交需要充分利用各界资源，发挥全社会的作用，希望中国公共外交协会认真贯彻落实党的十八大精神，为推进中国公共外交事业做出重要贡献，为国家发展和外交工作营造良好的舆论环境和民意基础。

Yang Jiechi emphasized that public diplomacy absolutely needed innovating ways and means, strengthened communication and exchanges with the masses, it needed to draw on the wisdom and the will of the people, domestic and foreign coordination, wholistic planning of the overall domestic and foreign situations, it needed to tell China’s story well and let China’s voice be heard, it needed to explain a real China to the world, and to establish a just and comprehensive view of China.

杨洁篪强调，一定要创新公共外交方式方法，加强对民众的沟通与交流，汲取民智和民意，国内国外相互配合，统筹国内国外两个大局，讲好中国故事，发好中国声音，把一个真实的中国介绍给世界，树立公正全面的中国观。

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Related

» Destined to Fail, The Diplomat, January 7, 2013
» A related discussion, Peking Duck, Jan 7, 2013

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Xi Jinping Lecture: Personal Experience

Xinhua online (republished here by Enorth, Tianjin), January 5, 2013, on a speech held by Xi Jinping on Saturday. According to the article, Xi discussed his personal learning experience in upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics (就坚持和发展中国特色社会主义谈了自己的学习体会).

Main Link: Unwaveringly upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics.

Links within blockquotes added during translation – JR.

On January 5, new members and alternate members of the Central Committee held a seminar at the Party School in Beijing on the spirit of the 18th National Congress. CCP Secretary General and Central Military Commission Chairman Xi Jinping held an important speech at the seminar’s opening ceremony. He pointed out that the choice of the road to take was related to the wax or wane of the party’s cause. The road was the life of the party. Socialism with Chinese characteristics was the dialectical unity of scientific socialist theoretical logic and Chinese social development history’s logic, rooted in the lands of China, reflecting the wishes of the Chinese people, suiting China’s and the times’ requirements for developing and progressing scientific socialism, and the only road for the achievement of a society of modest prosperity all over the country, for the accelerated promotion of socialist modernization, and to achieve the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation¹⁾.

新进中央委员会的委员、候补委员学习贯彻党的十八大精神研讨班5日在中央党校开班。中共中央总书记、中共中央军委主席习近平在开班式上发表重要讲话。他强调，道路问题是关系党的事业兴衰成败第一位的问题，道路就是党的生命。中国特色社会主义，是科学社会主义理论逻辑和中国社会发展历史逻辑的辩证统一，是根植于中国大地、反映中国人民意愿、适应中国和时代发展进步要求的科学社会主义，是全面建成小康社会、加快推进社会主义现代化、实现中华民族伟大复兴的必由之路。

The second paragraph doesn’t seem to contain anything new – except, perhaps, that Mao Zedong‘s theories aren’t mentioned. Deng Xiaoping theory and Jiang Zemin‘s “Three Represents” do get their mention. The instructions from the “State Information Office”, issued prior to the CCP’s 18th National Congress, didn’t appear to contain references to Mao Zedong either. The 17th Central Committee’s “Cultural Decision” mentions both Mao and Deng.

Huanqiu Shibao emoticon menu: no emotions. (click picture for the same Xinhua article republished on Huanqiu.)

[...] This is the 31rst year since entering socialism with Chinese characteristics as proposed by Comrade Deng Xiaoping. Primarily, Xi Jinping, from the perspectives of history and reality, discussed his own learning experience with upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics. He analyzed from the six stages of socialist ideology to today’s point in the historical process, with the contents of utopian socialism, Marxism, Engels’ scientific socialist theory systems, the Lenin-led October Revolution Victory’s socialism, the Soviet form of socialist practice, our party’s exploration and practice of socialism after the establishment of New China, our party’s historical decision to carry out reform and opening up, creating and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics.

[.....] 今年是邓小平同志提出建设中国特色社会主义进入31个年头了。习近平重点从历史和现实的角度，就坚持和发展中国特色社会主义谈了自己的学习体会。他从6个时间段分析了社会主义思想从提出到现在的历史过程，内容包括空想社会主义产生和发展，马克思、恩格斯创立科学社会主义理论体系，列宁领导十月革命胜利并实践社会主义，苏联模式逐步形成，新中国成立后我们党对社会主义的探索和实践，我们党作出进行改革开放的历史性决策、开创和发展中国特色社会主义。

Xi Jinping pointed out that Comrade Deng Xiaoping pioneered socialism with Chinese characteristics, answering, for the first time, the questions of China’s relative economic and cultural backwardness and how to build socialism [under these circumstances], how to solidify and develop socialism’s leading problems, by using new ideological points of view, carrying forward and developing Marxism, extending the boundaries of Marxism, and raising the scientific level of understanding socialism.

习近平指出，邓小平同志开创了中国特色社会主义，第一次比较系统地初步回答了在中国这样经济文化比较落后的国家如何建设社会主义、如何巩固和发展社会主义的一系列基本问题，用新的思想观点，继承和发展了马克思主义，开拓了马克思主义新境界，把对社会主义的认识提高到新的科学水平。

Xi Jinping emphasized that socialism with Chinese characteristics is socialism, but no other doctrine. The basic principles of sicentific socialism could not be lost – what had been lost wasn’t socialism. Which doctrine a country implemented depended crucially on which historical tasks a country had to solve. History and reality both tell us that only socialism can save China, and that only socialism with Chinese characteristics can develop China. This is the conclusion of history, and the people’s choice. With the continuous development of socialism with Chinese characteristics, our country’s socialist system will keep maturing, our country’s socialist system’s superiority [or advantage] will continuously reveal itself, and our path will become ever broader. As long as we have this trust in the road we have taken, as long as we have trust in our theories, and trust in our system, we can truly act [in accordance with Zheng Banqiao's words/paintings]: “Suffered from hardship, they never fright, no matter the wind in all directions beat”²⁾.

习近平强调，中国特色社会主义是社会主义而不是其他什么主义，科学社会主义基本原则不能丢，丢了就不是社会主义。一个国家实行什么样的主义，关键要看这个主义能否解决这个国家面临的历史性课题。历史和现实都告诉我们，只有社会主义才能救中国，只有中国特色社会主义才能发展中国，这是历史的结论、人民的选择。随着中国特色社会主义不断发展，我们的制度必将越来越成熟，我国社会主义制度的优越性必将进一步显现，我们的道路必将越走越宽广。我们就是要有这样的道路自信、理论自信、制度自信，真正做到“千磨万击还坚劲，任尔东西南北风”。

In the following paragraph, Xi still doesn’t mention Mao Zedong, but emphasizes a kind of unity between socialism in China before, and after the policies of reform and opening up:

Xi Jinping pointed out that our party led the people in the construction of socialism, and that there were the historical periods before and since reform and opening up. These were interrelated, but also with major differences from each other. Essentially, however, our party led the people in the implementation of socialist construction and practical exploration. They were different from each other in their ideological guidance, principles and policies, but not at all separate from each other, and definitely no opposites to each other. We must adhere to the ideological line of seeking truth in the facts, distinguish between the main current and the tributary rivers, adhere to the truth, correct mistakes, carry forward our experience, learn our lessons ["breathing them in", 吸取教训], and on this basis make the party’s and the people’s cause advance.

习近平指出，我们党领导人民进行社会主义建设，有改革开放前和改革开放后两个历史时期，这是两个相互联系又有重大区别的时期，但本质上都是我们党领导人民进行社会主义建设的实践探索。中国特色社会主义是在改革开放历史新时期开创的，但也是在新中国已经建立起社会主义基本制度、并进行了20多年建设的基础上开创的。虽然这两个历史时期在进行社会主义建设的思想指导、方针政策、实际工作上有很大差别，但两者决不是彼此割裂的，更不是根本对立的。不能用改革开放后的历史时期否定改革开放前的历史时期，也不能用改革开放前的历史时期否定改革开放后的历史时期。要坚持实事求是的思想路线，分清主流和支流，坚持真理，修正错误，发扬经验，吸取教训，在这个基础上把党和人民事业继续推向前进。

Xi Jinping emphasized that Marxism is bound to go with the times, practice and science continuously develop, and there is nothing set in its ways. Socialism has always progressed by opening up. Adhering to and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics is a great chapter. Comrade Deng Xiaoping defined [this chapter's] basic ideas and principles, and with Comrade Jiang Zemin at the core of the party’s collective third leadership generation and Comrade Hu Jintao as the secretary general of the party’s central committee, another brilliant section had been added to the great chapter. Now, it is the task of our generation of Communists to continue to write this great chapter. Adhere to Marxism, to socialism, and make sure you have a developing point of view [or development point of view]. The more advanced our cause will be, the more developed it will be, new situations and problems will increase. We will face more and more risks and challenges, and unforeseeable matters. We must be prepared for unexpected developments, be prepared for danger in times of peace, what you know, you know, what you don’t know, you don’t know. When you know, create the conditions to do it, and if you don’t know, keep learning and studying to work it out. We cannot afford ambiguities.

习近平强调，马克思主义必定随着时代、实践和科学的发展而不断发展，不可能一成不变，社会主义从来都是在开拓中前进的。坚持和发展中国特色社会主义是一篇大文章，邓小平同志为它确定了基本思路和基本原则，以江泽民同志为核心的党的第三代中央领导集体、以胡锦涛同志为总书记的党中央在这篇大文章上都写下了精彩的篇章。现在，我们这一代共产党人的任务，就是继续把这篇大文章写下去。坚持马克思主义，坚持社会主义，一定要有发展的观点。我们的事业越前进、越发展，新情况新问题就会越多，面临的风险和挑战就会越多，面对的不可预料的事情就会越多。我们必须增强忧患意识，做到居安思危，懂就是懂，不懂就是不懂；懂了的就努力创造条件去做，不懂的就要抓紧学习研究弄懂，来不得半点含糊。

Xi Jinping pointed out that CCP members, and particularly leading cadres, must be firm believers in and loyal practitioners of the lofty ideals (远大理想) of communism and the common ideals of socialism with Chinese characteristics. We want to adhere to the faith in going the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and at the same time maintain the lofty ideals (崇高理想) of communism, resolutely implement and carry out the party’s basic road and basic guiding principles in the initial stage of socialism, and successfuly do every piece of work of the day. Revolutionary ideals reach higher than the skies. Without lofty ideals, there is no qualified communist, and abandoning practical work and empty talk about lofty ideals makes no qualified communist either. The measure of a Communist and a leading cadre is if he has lofty Communist ideals, objective standards, if he is able to serve the people with his whole heart, if he is able to stand difficulties before enjoying the achievements, if he can work hard, if he honestly does his duties, if he struggles selflessly, fights, and devotes all his energy and life. All confused and hesitant points of view, making merry while one can, all selfish behavior, all inefficiency is incompatible with this.

习近平指出，共产党员特别是党员领导干部要做共产主义远大理想和中国特色社会主义共同理想的坚定信仰者和忠实践行者。我们既要坚定走中国特色社会主义道路的信念，也要胸怀共产主义的崇高理想，矢志不移贯彻执行党在社会主义初级阶段的基本路线和基本纲领，做好当前每一项工作。革命理想高于天。没有远大理想，不是合格的共产党员；离开现实工作而空谈远大理想，也不是合格的共产党员。衡量一名共产党员、一名领导干部是否具有共产主义远大理想，是有客观标准的，那就要看他能否坚持全心全意为人民服务的根本宗旨，能否吃苦在前、享受在后，能否勤奋工作、廉洁奉公，能否为理想而奋不顾身去拼搏、去奋斗、去献出自己的全部精力乃至生命。一切迷惘迟疑的观点，一切及时行乐的思想，一切贪图私利的行为，一切无所作为的作风，都是与此格格不入的。

Li Keqiang presided over the seminar’s opening ceremony.

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Notes

¹⁾ Great rejuvenation was the theme Tuo Zhen, propaganda chief of Guangdong’s CCP branch, reportedly inserted into Southern Weekly‘s original New Year’s article, instead of the original article’s “China dream”, which would have related to constitutionalism and to checks and balances on and within political power.

²⁾ The probable source for this quote by Xi Jinping is Zheng Banqiao (aka Zheng Xie), an offical and painter from Jiangsu, is the probable source for this quote by Xi Jinping. Wikipedia: When he was reportedly criticized for building a shelter for the poor, he resigned (Wikipedia, accessed 20130105).

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Related

» Xi endorses Deng mantra, SCMP, Jan 5, 2013
» Xi reiterates, “Global Times”, Jan 1, 2013
» Whose China Dream, Jan 5, 2013
» People with Lofty Ideas (仁人志士), Oct 31, 2010

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Book Review: Behind the Red Door – Sex in China

Red doors are about attracting luck, and when you do an online search about red doors in Chinese – hong men or 红门), you will get tons of fengshui and home-decorating commercial offers to that end. Family happiness is probably as universal a catchword in China as is the pursuit of happiness in America. But here lies the difference: in China, family happiness depends on each and every family member. Red doors may be helpful, but if you, a daughter or son, achieve in contributing to your family’s happiness, or if you inflict pain on your family – your parents especially, but on your grandparents and wider family, too -, will usually depend on the family you are going to build yourself, as a Chinese individual in his or her twenties. It will depend on the wife or husband you are going to marry, and the child you are expected to have.

Mr Wang’s REAL life is quite different.

When I started reading Richard Burger‘s debut book, Behind the Red Door – Sex in China, I became aware that I actually knew very little about the topic. I was aware of the pressure on Chinese colleagues of my age to get married and to have children, and I also got impressions on how the terms were being negotiated between children and parents – even marrying a partner from a different province is considered a flaw by some elders. But what makes Burger’s book particularly insightful is a review of how the outer edges of sexual behavior and identity in China “deviate” from family and social norms, and the troubles in coming to terms with these differences – or in living with them without coming to terms with them.

Behind the Red Door begins with a chapter on sex in imperial China, continues with one on dating and marriage (including marriage between Chinese and foreigners), and a chapter on the sex trade. In many ways, the chapter after these, “The Family”, constitutes a hub to everything else. Neither chapter comes without references to the individuals’ families, anyway. Sex workers will rarely let family people know about their business. One may guess that if a family wanted to know, they would know, but that’s not how psychology works. Gays and Lesbians – they are the topic after the chapter on family – rarely come out to their family people. And few transgendered will even apply for a gender-changing operation (let alone get one), because this would leave them without any chance to keep their sexual identities hidden from their families – and those who are looking on, i. e. basically everyone in the wider family, colleagues, the neighborhood, village, or town.

There is one section where Burger interprets the impressions and trends described in the books actual seven chapters: that’s in his parting thoughts, on the last fifteen pages. It’s the weakest part of the book, in that it unintentionally seems to confirm Burger’s own intuition described as early as in the introduction: arriving at a neat conclusion is impossible. But that attempt is an – unintentional, maybe – practical demonstration of just that fact.

The strengths of Behind the Red Door lie in the way it makes China speak from old and contemporary sources. It builds a narration from imperial times, with instances of traditional societal liberalism towards sex that doesn’t only serve procreation but rather seeks pleasure, even among lower classes, to a strongly puritan (Republican, Maoist and Dengist) modernity, and once again to growing relaxation during the most recent decades – even as traditional family values, and party orthodoxy, continue to linger in sometimes unpredictable areas. Behind the Red Door – and this is much more “political” than what I expected to read, discusses links between sexual liberalization and political control, too.

Burger is highly aware of China’s many political and personal realities, and writes in an engaging style. It isn’t only the author himself who speaks to the reader; it’s Chinese individuals just as well – a few out of millions of “ordinary” Chinese men and women of all ages who – willingly or of painful necessity – test the limits of what is “permissible” in terms of sex and in their relationships – people who deal with varying numbers of disintegrating illusions before and after wedlock – and who, in unfortunate cases, arrive at the comprehension that family happiness, “classical” or not, may not come their way.

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Behind the Red Door, by Richard Burger, 2012, at Amazon.

Obituary: Ding Guangen, 1929 – 2012

Ding Guangen (丁关根) was born in Wuxi, Jiangsu Province, in September 1929, according to Xinhua newsagency’s – more or less – standardized – obituary:

An outstanding member of the Communist Party, a soldier of communism of enduring loyalty, an outstanding leader at our party’s ideological and cultural battlefront, the CCP’s 13th alternate politbureau member, secretary of the CCP central committee’s secretariat, member of the 14th and 15th politbureau and central committees’ secretariat secretary, Comrade Ding Guangen, died in Beijing on July 22, 2012, at 6.20 a.m., aged 83, after medical treatment had been unsuccessful.
中国共产党的优秀党员，久经考验的忠诚的共产主义战士，我党宣传思想文化战线的卓越领导人，中国共产党第十三届中央政治局候补委员、中央书记处书记，第十四届、十五届中央政治局委员、中央书记处书记丁关根同志，因病医治无效，于２０１２年７月２２日６时２０分在北京逝世，享年８３岁。

Ding’s death wasn’t in the headlines of CCTV‘s main evening news (Xinwen Lianbo, 19:00 local time) on Sunday, but probably will be on Monday or Tuesday. The obituary was read out during the broadcast’s second half.

新闻联播, July 22, 2012 – click picture for video.

Ding graduated from Jiaotong University, Shanghai (上海交通大学), in 1951, and worked for the ministry of railways for more than 30 years, as an engineer, from 1958 onwards.

He was demoted from the ministry of railways during the “Cultural Revolution”, according to the Xinhua obituary. From 1969 to 1972, when he was sent to a “May-7 Cadre School” (五七干校) – another link here. From 1972 to 1975, he worked at Beifang Jiaotong University’s (北方交通大学) overseas students office.

For the final three years at the ministry, Ding held the office of minister of railways, and resigned in 1988, after a series of train crashes that killed scores of people, writes the Washington Post. He held the post of CCP party group (or cell) secretary at the ministry, too – a task in China that frequently comes along with the leadership at an organization.

Ding’s resignation 24 years ago wasn’t the end of his career. Still in 1988,  he became head of the “Taiwan Affairs Office” at the State Council, and director of the central united-front work department from 1990 to 1992.

In December 1992, he became head of the CCP’s propaganda department, a post he kept until his retirement in 2002. His successor there, Liu Yunshan (刘云山), is still in office.

Anne-Marie Brady wrote in 2008 that Jiang Zemin, party and state chairman in 2002 1992,

[...] was a long time political cadre with a nose for ideological work and its importance. This meeting [Update (July 23, 2012): the first meeting of the politbureau's standing committee / 4th plenum of the 13th CCP central committee on June 1989 - more info here] marked the beginning of a new era in propaganda and political thought work in China. As a direct result of the events of April – June 1989, the Central Propaganda Department was given more resources and power, including the power to go in to the propaganda-related work units and cleanse the ranks of those who had been supportive of the democracy movement.¹⁾

The task for Jiang’s leadership – and therefore Ding’s task, too – was to

[...] both successfully revitalize the Chinese economy and [to] re-emphasize political thought work and control of China’s propaganda system. [...] With the strong support of Jiang Zemin and Deng Xiaoping, from June 1989 onward the Central Propaganda Department and the propaganda system once again began to have a prominent, guiding role in Chinese society.

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Note

¹⁾ Anne-Marie Brady, Marketing Dictatorship: Propaganda and Thought Work in Contemporary China, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., pp 44 – 45.

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Related

» Open House, May 25, 2012
» The Weeks before June 4, April 17, 2012» June 9 speech to martial-law units, tsquare, accessed July 22, 2012
» The Weeks before June 4, April 17, 2012

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Updates/Related

» Bad Deal with Ding’s Son, SMH, Aug 30, 2005

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Chinese Press Review: Independent Innovation Capacity, Selfless Help, and New Forms of International Security Culture

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Main Link 1: Enorth, May 29, 2012 (Headline 1)

The top headline at Enorth (Tianjin) is a Xinhua report on a politbureau meeting chaired by party and state chairman Hu Jintao on Monday.

Independent technological innovation capacity was at the meeting’s focus.

The meeting emphasized that to deepen the reform of the science and technology system, the banner of socialism with Chinese characteristics needed to be held high, and under the ideological guidance of the Deng Xiaoping theory and the “Three Represents”, the concept of scientific development be thoroughly carried out and implemented. Great efforts needed to be made in the implementation of the national scientific and educational rejuvenation strategy, and a nation which is strong in terms of talents [...]
会议强调，深化科技体制改革，要高举中国特色社会主义伟大旗帜，以邓小平理论和“三个代表”重要思想为指导，深入贯彻落实科学发展观，大力实施科教兴国战略和人才强国战略 [.....]

A solid foundation should be laid for China to enter the ranks of innovative countries by 2020, to achieve a society of comprehensive modest prosperity by then, and for China to become a global technological force by the 100th anniversary of New China.
[.....] 为2020年进入创新型国家行列、全面建成小康社会和新中国成立100年时成为世界科技强国奠定坚实基础。

Also emphasized was the strengthening of open sharing of scientific and technological achievements (强化科技资源开放共享) between all stakeholders in the process (research institutions and enterprises), and support for talents who had studied overseas, to start businesses and to innovate in China.

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Main Link 2: Enorth, May 29, 2012 (Headline 2)

Enorth’s second headline – also from Xinhua – is about the foreign ministry’s reaction to attempts by America and Japan to draw Pacific islands in to “block China”. Ministry spokesman Liu Weimin (刘为民) is quoted as saying that China was developing friendly and cooperative relations with the Pacific island nations to make active contributions in the promotion of regional stability, development and prosperity. China was happy about other countries developing friendly and cooperative relations with Pacific island countries, Liu said during a regular press conference on Monday. The Enorth/Xinhua article refers to a two-day summit held in Japan over the weekend, by Japanese prime minister Yoshihiko Noda and Pacific leaders. (In an interview on Radio Australia, Derek Brien, Pacific Institute of Public Policy chief executive, was also asked if Japan was openly, overtly now is enlisting help to garner its support in the region in opposition to China’s. Brien referred to Japan’s role as that of a quiet player in the region, but suggested that whilst not named directly in the outcomes declaration it is evident that this renewed political and development cooperation measures are aimed at China’s growing influence, and particularly interesting coming out of this is the defence cooperation on the maritime security issues.)

Liu Weimin had been asked if he (or they, the foreign ministry) was worried that the relationship between China and the Pacific island nations could be affected.

A journalist asked: the 6th Japan-Pacific-island-Nations summit closed on May 26. There are analysts who believe that Japan and America want to draw the Pacific nations into a “blockade” of China. How does the Chinese side see this? Are there worries that Sino-Pacific relations could be affected? Japanese officials say that Chinese aid usually indicates China’s own interest, and leaves the recipients heavily indebted. What is China’s response [to that]?
第六届日本与太平洋岛国首脑会议26日闭幕，有分析认为，日美有意借此拉拢太平洋岛国“封锁”中国，中方对此有何评论？是否担心中国与太平洋岛国关系受到影响？日本官员称，中方援助往往旨在维护自身利益，使受援方背上<，中方有何回应？

Liu Weimin said that the Chinese side hopes that cooperation between the countries concerned would be beneficial to the promotion of the Asia-Pacific region’s joint development and prosperity. Liu Weimin said that China and the Pacific island nations belonged to the Asia-Pacific region, were developing countries, and both sides had a deep traditional friendship and broad common interests. The potential for the development of mutual benefit was great, and the prospects were vast.
刘为民表示，中方希望有关国家之间的合作有利于促进亚太地区的共同发展与繁荣。
刘为民说，中国与太平洋岛国同处亚太地区，都是发展中国家，双方有着深厚的传统友谊和广泛的共同利益，开展互利合作潜力大、前景广阔。

According to his explanations, relations between China and the Pacific island nations had developed smoothly, with frequent high-level diplomatic exchanges, trade and economic exchange and cooperation had continuously deepened, and in international affairs, good communication and coordination had been maintained. China did what was in its power to provide sincere and selfless assistance, helped the island nations to strengthen their own capacities to develop, to achieve the United Nations’ Millenium Development goals, which was welcomed by the people of the island nations’ peoples.
据他介绍，近年来，中国与有关岛国关系发展顺利，双方高层交往频繁，经贸等领域交流与合作不断深化，在国际地区事务中保持良好沟通与协调。中方坚持在力所能及范围内向岛国提供真诚无私的援助，帮助岛国增强自主发展能力，实现联合国千年发展目标，受到岛国人民的欢迎。

“Facts have shown that friendly cooperation and relations between China and the Pacific island nations have not only brought genuine mutual benefit, but have also made active contributions to regional stability, development, and prosperity”, Liu Weimin said.
“事实证明，中国与太平洋岛国发展友好合作关系不仅给双方带来了实实在在的利益，也为促进地区稳定、发展与繁荣作出了积极贡献。”刘为民说。

He said that China was happy about other countries developing friendly and cooperative relations with Pacific island countries, and wanted to continue to strengthen communication, coordination and cooperation with countries inside and outside [the region], to jointly promote regional peace, stability, and development.
他表示，中方乐见其他国家发展与太平洋岛国的友好合作关系，愿继续与各岛国和域内外有关国家加强沟通、协调与合作，共同促进地区和平、稳定和发展。

Five years are a long time in international affairs, but what Yang Danzhi (杨丹志) of China’s Academy of Social Science (CASS) wrote in 2007, about fostering a new form of security culture and a security community consciousness, is likely to contain some of the worries the foreign ministry spokesman had been asked, and replied to with the usual diplomatic formulae on Monday. Yang Danzhi is no diplomat, let alone a Chinese leader, but he is a member of the CCP. In his 2007 article, Yang set out from the Shangri-la Dialogue, which covers issues concerning Asia, America and Europe, rather than the Pacific, but Yang quickly got to mechanisms that would apply beyond the Shangri-la regions:

[...] Firstly, the holding of the Shangri-la Dialog helps to foster a new form of security culture and a security community consciousness. One important reasons for the difficulties in establishing multilateral cooperation mechanisms in the Asia-Pacific region after WW2 was that in some countries, lingering historical hostility was hard to eliminate. The region lacked a common, clear security culture which would benefit cooperation, let alone the creation of a sense of security community. At the Shangri-la Dialog, high-ranking defense department officials from many American and European countries and non-governmental research institutions’ scholars can get together. European and American countries’ and Asian countries’ security concepts and even human rights concepts and concepts of sovereignty are communicated and bump into each other, which in itself is sort of a new breakthrough. It helps communication and understanding among countries, and to find common security interests.
At the Shangri-la Dialog, process, all sides can freely explain views and positions concerning Asia-Pacific security, and delegates from Western countries can’t impose their will on developing countries. At the same time, from the perspective of ease maintained among participants, given the non-official nature of the Shangri-la Dialog, its characteristics are similar to the Asian Regional Forum (ARF) and the Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia Pacific (CSCAP). It also shows the influence of a multilateral security cooperation pattern as advocated by Asian countries, particularly by ASEAN. [...]
[.....] 首先，香格里拉对话的举办，有助于在亚太地区培育新型的安全文化和安全共同体意识。二战结束以来，亚太地区难以建立多边合作机制的一个重要原因，就在于部分国家迟迟不能消除历史形成的敌意，区域内缺乏一种共同的、明确的、有益于合作的安全文化，更谈不上形成安全共同体意识。香格里拉对话能将亚洲、北美和欧洲诸多国家防务部门的高官及其他官方、民间研究机构的学者聚在一起。欧美国家与亚洲国家的安全理念甚至人权观和主权观在对话中沟通碰撞，本身就是一种新的突破。有助于各国相互沟通理解，找到共同的安全利益所在。在香格里拉对话进程中，各方可以自由的阐释对亚太安全的见解和主张，西方国家的代表不能将自己的意志强加给发展中国家；同时，从香格里拉对话所采取的非正式形式，以及保持对参与各方实际意义上的舒适度来看，显现出与ARF和CSCAP相近的特征，这也在一定程度上表明亚洲国家特别是东盟所倡导的多边安全合作模式和东盟的安全文化对亚太多边安全合作机制建设进程的影响力。[.....]

Not missing is the concept of democratic relations between states (and in 2007, a mention of American unilateralism, to which the Shangri-la Dialog would serve as a counter-model, is there, too):

[...] Thirdly, small and medium-sized countries in the Asia-Pacific region participate actively, which objectively helps to limit American unilateralism in the region, and to prevent big countries from manipulating the Asia-Pacific multilateral processes. and from a long-term perspective, it benefits the democratization of international relations in the Asia-Pacific region. [...] On the third Shangri-la Dialog former Singapore prime minister Goh Chok Tong said in his keynote speech that America wasn’t just solving security issues in the Asia-Pacific region, but was itself also was part of the issues.
第三，亚太地区中小国家的积极参与，客观上有助于限制美国在亚太地区的单边主义行为，避免大国操纵亚太多边安全合作进程，从长远看有助于亚太地区国际关系的民主化。在2004年6月第三次香格里拉对话的主旨演讲中，新加坡前总理吴作栋指出，美国不仅解决地区内的安全问题，而且本身也是安全问题的一部分。

On the downside:

The Shangri-la Dialog has negative influences, too. This mainly manifests itself here:
To a certain extent, the Dialog is a result of the intervention and participation of big Western countries in Asia-Pacific security work. Western countries’ attitude in the Shangri-la dialog shows that they continuously try to realize and expand their own strategic interests in the Asia-Pacific region, by interference and influence particularly on processes of building mechanisms of Asia-Pacific security cooperation. Multilateral security cooperation is only a tool to achieve own interests.
香格里拉对话的消极影响也同时存在，这主要表现在：首先，香格里拉对话在一定程度上是西方大国介入和参与亚太安全事务的产物。西方国家在香格里拉对话中的姿态表明：西方国家力图通过干预和影响亚太安全事务特别是影响亚太安全合作机制化进程，在亚太地区进一步实现和拓展自己的战略利益。多边安全合作只是其实现自身利益需求的手段。

After a long, partly historical review of British colonialism and American hegemony, Yang’s conclusion is that Western countries motivation for participating in the Shangri-la Dialog isn’t not only Asian-Pacific security, but to expand their own strategic interests to a maximum degree: 总体上看，西方国家参与香格里拉对话的动机并不仅仅是为了亚太地区的安全，而是为了最大限度的拓展自身的战略利益。And bilateralism such as between the U.S. and Japan or South Korea respectively, about solving problems with U.S. bases in Japan, and the North Korean issue – and that in 2006, such bilateral talks and agreements outnumbered the multilal ones, thus weakening multilateralism (2006年，对话参与国间的双边会议数量增加。这种双边主义的强势发展必然会导致亚太安全合作中多边主义的弱化，进而对亚太多边安全合作进程产生不利影响).

Alledged Western intentions or attempts to contain China, by spreading the China threat theory is the bad influence number one, from a Chinese point of view (首先，西方国家试图利用香格里拉对话作为宣传中国威胁论的新渠道，贯彻其遏制中国的战略意图). Bad influence number two, also from China’s perspective: ASEAN countries’ attempts to contain China (其次，东盟国家力图以香格里拉对话机制对我进行战略牵制。这无形中会对我国在亚太地区的安全环境产生不利影响). China’s rise had led to misgivings among small and medium-sized countries in the Asia-Pacific region. And thirdly, Taiwanese attempts to participate in the Shangri-la Dialog: after setbacks on the first- and second-track diplomacy stage, Taiwan had created a kind of third-track security diplomacy to internationalize the “Taiwan question” – drawing on exchanges with think tanks. Participation there had probably added to the Taiwan-independence forces’ “arrogance” (冷战后，台湾当局一直高度关注亚太多边安全合作，试图以官方身份参与亚太安全事务。陈水扁上台后，更力争使台湾问题国际化，为台独寻求更多的国际支持。在参与亚太地区的第一轨道和第二轨道外交受挫后，台湾甚至还自创所谓第三轨道的“亚太安全论坛”（APSF）,为台湾军方高层人士和智库研究人员与国外从事亚太安全研究的学者共同讨论亚太安全搭建平台，在一定程度上助长了台独的气焰).

Indeed, the preface to Hung-mao Tien‘s and Tung-jen Cheng‘s (editors) “The Security Environment in the Asia-Pacific”, Institute for National Policy Research, New York, 2000, page not identified, suggests that

[T]he primary purpose of this forum is to provide a distinctive new venue for multilateral discussion. It promises a high comfort level for ground-breaking dialogue, a broad definition of security, a high degree of inclusiveness, and new levels of original research and conceptualization. This new venue will fully incorporate into its deliberations Taiwan-based scholars and intellectual resources, which often are barred from other “track two” fora.

Yang Danzhi (still from his 2007 article):

Worse, Taiwanese defense officials had even been allowed to attend the Shangri-la Dialog, according to Yang’s paper. All the same, he comes to the conclusion that China should actively participate, and send higher-ranking officials as delegates than before, not least to dispel Western (media’s) doubts about China’s sincerity and transparency.

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Main Link 3: Enorth, May 29, 2012 (Headline 3)

Enorth’s third headline – also an article from Xinhua – is about a time table authored by the ministry of finance to make state budgets transparent to the public.

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Related

» Pacific Year, Every Year, The Australian, May 29, 2012
» The New Banker in Town, The Diplomat, April 5, 2011
» Try to engage China in joint projects, Lowy Institute, April 2011
» Hu: Make use of Monetary Squeeze, Jan 18, 2010

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Zhou Yongkang, the University of Political Science and Law, and the Central Committee’s Warm Care for Law Research

The following is a partly direct, partly indirect translation / reflection of Zhou Yongkang‘s speech at University of Political Science and Law, on May 9, 2012, in front of teacher and student delegates – as (far as) published by People’s Daily online. The PD publication may or may not contain Zhou’s speech in full.

I will start with the direct translation of several paragraphs, to catch some of the speech’s “mood” or “atmosphere”. After that, I’ll turn to more indirect reflections of Zhou Yongkang’s speech. Links within blockquotes added during translation. Subtitles are not part of the original People’s-Daily publication.

Zhou Yongkang is the CCP’s Politics and Law Committee’s secretary, member of the CCP politbureau’s standing committee, and oversees China’s security forces and law enforcement institutions.

Translated off the reel, and posted right away.

Main Link 1: Opening Remarks and a General Description

On the occasion of the China University of Political Science and Law’s 60th anniversary, I, together with comrades in charge at the CCP Political and Legislative Affairs Committee, the ministry of education, the ministry of justice, and Beijing City, have come to this university especially to meet teachers and students.
在中国政法大学60周年校庆即将到来之际，我和中央政法委、教育部、司法部、北京市的负责同志一起，专程来学校看望老师和同学们。

In 1952, to respond to New China’s need for the construction of a rule by law^*), the China University of Political Science and Law came into being. For sixty years, under the warm care of the Central Committees’ collective leadership, led by Comrades Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin at the core, the University of Political Science and Law acted in accorance with the university’s spirit of “rich ethics, clear law, and principles, commitment to the public”, constantly improved educational quality, made great efforts to develop law research, actively participated in national legislation and popularization of law, served the practice of administration of justice on its own initiative, successively educated more than 200,000 law talents of all kinds, produced lots of noted academic masters, outstanding talents of politics and law, created a set of values, influential legal research achievements to promote government of the country in accordance with the law, to serve the economic development with outstanding contributions, thus developing into a domestically famous, internationally noted institution of higher eductation for legal education, becoming known as “the cradle of the People’s Republic’s cadres of politics and law”. The University of Political Science and Law’s course through the past sixty years of history reflects the colossal development of our country’s cause for legal education and research, and proves the colossal progress of the building of socialism-with-Chinese-characteristics rule by law. I herewith, on behalf of the Central Committee, the State Council, and Secretary General Hu Jintao, express warm congratulations on the occasion of the university’s 60th-anniversary celebrations, and sincere greetings to the entire university’s teachers, students, staff, and friends at home and abroad!
1952年，为适应新中国法治建设的需要，中国政法大学的前身北京政法学院应运而生。60年来，在以毛泽东、邓小平、江泽民同志为核心的党的三代中央领导集体和以胡锦涛同志为总书记的党中央亲切关怀下，中国政法大学秉承“厚德、明法、格物、致公”的校训精神，不断提高教学质量，大力开展法学研究，积极参与国家立法和普法宣传，主动服务执法司法实践，先后培养了20多万名各类法律人才，涌现出一大批学术名师、政法英才，创造了一系列有价值、有影响的法学研究成果，为推进依法治国进程、服务经济社会发展作出了突出贡献，发展成为国内著名、国际知名的法学教育高等学府，被誉为“共和国政法干部的摇篮”。中国政法大学60年来走过的历程，折射了我国法学教育和研究事业的长足发展，见证了中国特色社会主义法治建设的巨大进步。在此，我代表党中央、国务院和胡锦涛总书记，向中国政法大学60周年校庆表示热烈祝贺，向全校师生员工及海内外校友表示诚挚问候！

At present, our national economy maintains its steadily rapid development, the society’s is generally harmonious and stable, and the overall situation is good. Having gone through more than sixty years of construction and development since the establishment of New China, and especially during the more than thirty years of reform and opening, our cuntry’s socialist modernization and construction has achieved successes which have caught the eyes of the world, has strengthened our country’s comprehensive strength, our international influence has rapidly risen, socialism with Chinese characteristics has been tested in the sudden global changes, and shown strong vitality. At the same time, we have to see clearly that our country remains in the initial stage of socialism, that there are imbalances, uncoordinated and unsustainable problems that keep emerging within development, with existing substantial factors which affect social harmony and stability. Especially under the conditions of all the aspects of opening to the outside world and social informationalization, domestic and international issues influence each other, economic and social issues and political issues are interlinked, and supposed and real society interrelate with each other. We are facing unprecedented challenges, and we are shouldering colossal tasks.
当前，我国经济保持平稳较快发展，社会大局和谐稳定，总的形势是好的。经过新中国成立以来60多年的建设发展特别是30多年的改革开放，我国社会主义现代化建设取得了举世瞩目的伟大成就，综合国力显著增强，国际影响力大幅提升，中国特色社会主义在世界风云变幻中经受了考验，展示出强大的生命力。同时，我们要清醒地看到，我国仍处于并将长期处于社会主义初级阶段，发展中不平衡、不协调、不可持续的问题依然突出，影响社会和谐稳定的因素大量存在。特别是在全方位对外开放和社会信息化的条件下，国内问题与国际问题相互影响，经济问题、社会问题与政治问题相互关联，虚拟社会与现实社会相互作用，我们面对的挑战前所未有，肩负的任务艰巨繁重。

Government in accordance with the law is our party’s basic strategy to lead the people and to rule the country. To build a country with socialism-with-Chinese-characteristics under rule by law is the goal the entire people is unswervingly striving for. In history, the Chinese people suffered more than two-thousand years of despotic feudalist rule, in more recent times, they bore the misery of Western great powers’ bullying and humiliation, and even the most basic rights to life were not guaranteed, not to mention exaggerated talk about democratic and lawful rule. [...]
依法治国是我们党领导人民治理国家的基本方略，建设社会主义法治国家是全体人民坚定不移的奋斗目标。历史上中国人民遭受了两千多年的封建专制统治，近代又饱受西方列强的欺凌，连基本的生存权都保证不了，更不用奢谈什么民主法治了。 [.....]

Zhou describes “the road of socialist rule by law, found through the efforts of several generations of people” after 1949, as the answer to the “national conditions” (and implicitly, probably, the past).

Main Link 2: Emphasizing Legitimacy inherited from Previous CCP Generations

But building a socialist country ruled by law is a long-term and formidable, major, historical task which cannot be accomplised at one stroke. Comrade Deng Xiaoping said that “Old China bequeathed many feudal, despotic traditions on us, but very few democratic and legal traditions”. Our country, with many inhabitants but uneven economic and social development, inevitably has to face difficulties and challenges in the process of building a legal system. Comrade Jiang Zemin emphasized that “socialist democracy must be broadened step by step, and a legal socialist system, a country ruled by law, a socialist country ruled by law, must be built step by step. This goal must unswervingly be implemented. Secretary general Hu Jintao demanded that we must “adhere to the basic strategy of a country ruled by law, establish a socialist concept of rule by law, and realize the rule by law, and safeguard the citizens’ legal rights. Comprehensive implementation of the basic strategy of rule by law and the acceleration of a socialist rule-by-law country is the party’s and the state’s established policy, striven for by the entire people. We must insist on these goals without letting our guard down, and unremittingly maintain forge ahead.
同时，在我国建设社会主义法治国家是一项长期而艰巨的重大历史任务，不可能一蹴而就。邓小平同志指出：“旧中国留给我们的，封建专制传统比较多，民主法制传统很少。”我们国家大，人口众多，经济社会发展又很不平衡，在法治建设进程中必然会遇到各种困难和挑战。江泽民同志强调：“要进一步扩大社会主义民主，健全社会主义法制，依法治国，建设社会主义法治国家。这个目标，我们要坚定不移地加以落实。”胡锦涛总书记要求：“坚持依法治国基本方略，树立社会主义法治理念，实现国家各项工作法治化，保障公民合法权益。”全面落实依法治国基本方略、加快建设社会主义法治国家，是党和国家的既定方针，是全体人民的共同追求，我们必须咬定目标不放松，坚持不懈地扎实往前推进。

In the following paragraph, and the first of three enumerations, Zhou points out the importance that the party and the state council had attached to legal education of the young, and refers to a speech Hu Jintao held during the CCP Youth League’s 90th anniversary celebrations. The style of the very long paragraph following that mirrors the less informative passages of central party documents, in that it describes the steps of strengthening socialist legal construction, but without actually specifying such steps.

The second item of three is about innovation, solid (academic) support for socialist rule of law, and correct political direction. This bit could be meaningful:

[...] Currently, our national economy’s and society’s development and legal construction encounters many practical problems, and there is an urgent need for answers from theory. For example:
how to maintain the party’s leadership, the people as the masters of their own matters, governance of the country in accordance with the law with organic unity, the acceleration of building a country under the rule by law, how to continuously perfect the legal system of socialism with Chinese characteristics, to provide more powerful legal guarantees for ecomomic and social scientific development and improved livelihood of the people, how to strengthen and innovate social management, [...]

Main Link 3: Outlook

Zhou’s third point refers to the future roles of today’s students, and their future responsibilities to achieve the described goals. At the second paragraph on the third online page of Zhou’s speech as published by People’s Daily, there is another reference to Hu Jintao’s CCP Youth League 90th anniversary speech (this time, Zhou refers to it as Hu’s May-4 speech), and points out the need for talented lawyers not only in China’s more developed regions, but its western regions, too.

Finally, I want to express my heart-felt wish that the University of Political Science and Law will maintain Deng Xiaoping’s Theories and [Jiang Zemin's - name not mentioned here] “Three Represents” as major ideological guidance, at the thorough implementation of scientific development, under the leadership of the Central Committee with Hu Jintao as the Secretary General. From these celebrations of the university’s 60th anniversary, and at the starting point of another sexagenary cycle, keep working for a strong, globally first-class socialist law university with Chinese characteristics!
最后，衷心祝愿中国政法大学坚持以邓小平理论和“三个代表”重要思想为指导，深入贯彻落实科学发展观，在以胡锦涛同志为总书记的党中央领导下，以60周年校庆为新的历史起点，努力在新的一个甲子中建设成为中国特色、世界一流的社会主义法科强校！

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Note

^*) “Rule by law” is only one of many possible translations – I chose this option  in previous translations, too. “Rule of law” would be another.

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Related

» Where art Thou, Zhou Yongkang, March 27, 2012
» Social Management, Febr 21, 2011

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