Liu Tienan humpty-dumptied / Diary

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Off the Horse

The term “severe violations of discipline” is a common euphemism for corruption, the South China Morning Post (SCMP) writes in its online edition today, in connection with an investigation against Liu Tienan (刘铁男), deputy director of the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC). I’m wondering if that definition of the violation term is 100 percent correct. There may be other severe kinds of violation of party discipline, too, and besides, if corruption constituted one of them, which top leader could keep his desk? Never been corrupt through all the decades?

The term as used by the SCMP doesn’t refer to Liu himself here, but to another vice-ministerial-level official brought down before, in the current anti-graft campaign. Usually, corruption seems to become a topic when too many opponents agree that one of their comrades must go.

But this story is somewhat different from the usual downfall tales: reportedly, it was a journalist, Luo Changping (罗昌平), deputy chief editor of Caijing magazine (财经杂志), who first investigated Liu’s record, and published his findings on December 6 last year, according to Asia Pacific Daily (APD). And Liu didn’t fall off the horse right away: he appeared at the Sino-Russian energy talks, at talks with the party secretary of Tibet, and on other occasions.

However, his name wouldn’t appear again in public reports after January 30, writes APD. By then, he had apparently been humpty-dumptied.

Luo Changping reportedly posted allegations against Liu on Sina Weibo, China’s most popular microblog platform. Microblogs are often the medium of choice for journalists when censorship would be likely on actual articles in papers or magazines, if printed or online.

[Update (May 14, 2013): In December, Caijing published an article accusing Liu Tienan's wife and son of illegal business dealings, according to the BBC.]

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Diary

Not too frequent dustclouds this spring, even though I saw two modest, tornado-shaped swirls moving across the plain top of the mountain (a mountain by local standards) next to here last week. I was on my way home at the time, and watched them moving.

Amost rainy – May 12, 2013, some three hours after sunrise

It was unpleasant to think about what drought and wind are doing to the topsoil, but it was a great sight at the same time. I kept watching the swirls for a few minutes, until they had reached a cornfied, above which they withered.

But this spring isn’t nearly as dry as the two previous ones. The garden looks good, and vegetables, potatos and young trees are all growing, nearly without irrigation.

The Weeks before June 4: Struggling for the Ideological Switch Stands

[Cont. April 23, 1911

Main Link: 1989 年 4 月 24 日 星期日

Li Tieying and Li Ximing both agree with Li Peng that strict measures should be taken against the students' movement. At 8.30 in the evening, Li Peng goes to see Yang Shangkun to analyse the situation. Yang also sees a changing trend and encourages Li Peng to see Deng Xiaoping. Li Peng asks Yang to join him in a visit to Deng, and Yang agrees. During the evening, as Li Peng reads many papers and adds  comments to them, and a flow of public-security bureau, security, education commission staff etc, concerning trends among the students in all places keeps coming in, by phone and cable.

Science and Technology Daily's entering into the forbidden area of coverage receives a great echo, and from the morning on, people call this paper to tell the staff that they had written in fair words. However, vice chief editor Sun Changjiang says that they haven't done something special, and just acted in accordance with professional ethics, in their effort to carry out their duty as the media. Their [Science and Technology Daily] coverage hadn’t been particularly good; rather, he believes, that of some other papers has been particularly bad. The event is authentic, and their attitude is sincere.

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Monday, April 24, 1989

Main Link: 1989 年 4 月 24 日 星期一 (same document)

In the morning, sixty-thousand students from some 38 colleges and universities such as Beijing University, Tsinghua University, People’s University (Renmin University) begin a strike. Some students gather within the universities, conduct sit-ins, demonstrations, put up posters, and others shout slogans like “join the strike quickly”, “no end to the strike without reaching our goals”, and “walk out on lessons and exams, not on learning”.

Some students give lectures on societal issues, put up propaganda sheets, propagate “April 20 massacre”, “crying-and-begging to the non-understanding government” information, and still others take to the streets and lanes, for fund-raising and to call on “all the city’s citizens to become active in strikes”. Students from Beijing University, Tsinghua University and People’s University maintain order, and dissuade students from taking part in lessons. Some university party secretaries point out in reports to the next-upper party level that the current situation, if it lasts, will be absolutely harmful, and that one has to fear that this could take still larger dimensions as May 4 is approaching. They express their hopes that the central committee and the municipal committee issue clear guidelines, policies and instructions to end the strikes as soon as possible.

At 14:40, student committees at Beijing University and other universities hold meetings at the May-4 squares on their campuses, with some eighty percent of students attending. They prepare activities to boycott official May-4 activities and to establish autonomous students unions in Beijing and students unions of national unity all over the country. Some papers report that student delegates from Nankai University,  Nanjing University, Fudan University, Guangzhou University and other universities are also attending. Nearly two-hundred students with red armbands are maintaining order. As several members of students committees publicly push and pull each other on stage in a quarrel twice, more than six-thousand students at the meeting are abuzz. The meeting ends at 16:00 in discord, without having made any decisions. Dozens of foreign reporters have been present and recorded the event. A press conference by the preparatory committee, scheduled for 7 p.m., is subsequently cancelled.

Beijing University posts the “Recommendations to the Preparatory Committee, signed by people from Beijing University” poster, suggesting to redraw the slogans and action principles in order to get public support. The slogans should oppose corruption and bureaucracy, actions should be carried out downtown, at broad daylight, so as to broaden their influence, unified action would be needed between the universities and colleges, preparations be made for a long-term struggle, and extensive contacts be built with people from intellectual and democratic circles.

There is also another poster, under the headline “five points”, about “guaranteeing basic human rights, releasing political criminals, opposing party supremacy, checks and balances by separation of the three powers, defining a democratic constitution” and other political positions.

More than twohundred Beijing University teachers jointly call for maintaining the principles of the thirteen universities to consult the students and to have a dialog with them. A similar call comes from the China University of Political Science and Law [Wu Renhua's university]. The Beijing Students Autonomous Federation (aka Capital Autonomous Federation of University Students) calls on every student to send ten letters to compatriots all over the country. Between two- and threehundred students are to be dispatched to fifteen large cities all over the nation, such as Tianjin, Jinan, Shenyang, Changsha, Chengdu, Xi’an, Lanzhou, Shijiazhuang, Zhengzhou, Guangzhou, Taiyuan, Shanghai, Nanjing and Wuhan  to deliver speeches and to make contacts.

A peaceful petition meeting at Tsinghua University started a peaceful demonstration within the campus, at eight in the morning, with about ten thousand students participating. It’s an orderly demonstration with a length reaching two kilometers.

The Tsinghua University Students Council puts forward four principles concerning the students’ strike:

1. to maintain the reasonable struggle and the peaceful petition
2. to maintain unity and the power of all that can be united
3. to adhere to the strike on lessons, not on learning
4. to make sure that cool heads prevail among the younger students.

Educational departments from all over the country give their reactions to the State Education Commission, expressing their hope that the situation at Beijing’s universities and colleges can be stabilized soon, as it would otherwise be difficult to control the situation at universities outside the capital.

In the evening, Ren Wanding, who was responsible for the “Human Rights Alliance” time of the Xidan Democracy Wall, speaks on Tian An Men Square. He says: “the people are destitute, robbers arise from everywhere, prices are soaring, and the national economy is in crisis. If the four cardinal principles don’t vanish from the constitution, they will keep hanging over the people’s interests.”

Ren Wanding has also been to the universities of Beijing to speak there, but without much response, as the students didn’t understand him, and because they felt that his views were radical. When Chen Xiaoping and I watched him speaking in front of the dormitory of the University of Political Science and Law, there was only a sparse audience. Both Chen and I felt saddened.

In the afternoon, Li Ximing and Chen Xitong report to National People’s Congress chairman Wan Li. Wan Li was Beijing’s vice mayor prior to the cultural revolution. He suggests that the politburo’s standing committee should analyse the situation in the evening, chaired by Li Peng.

[According to this account by Wu Renhua, this meeting was held on the evening of April 24. This source seems to suggest that this happened on April 23.]

The standing committee, chaired by Li Peng, believes that a variety of events are indicating that under the control and instigation of very few people,  a planned, organized anti-party, anti-socialist political struggle is arranged before their eyes. The decision is made to form a group tasked with stopping the unrest, and requires Beijing’s party and government to stabilize the situation quickly, by winning over the majority of the masses and by isolating the minority, and by calming down the unrest. Standing committe member Li Peng, Qiao Shi, Hu Qili, Yao Yilin, as well as  – with no voting rights – Yang Shangkun, Wan Li, central party secretary Rui Xingwen, Yan Mingfu, Wen Jiabao, (not standing) politburo members Tian Jiyun, Li Ximing, Song Ping, Ding Guangen as well as people in charge at the relevant departments are attending the meeting.

In the evening, Li Peng receives a phonecall from Deng Xiaoping‘s secretary Wang Ruilin, inviting Li Peng and Yang Shangkun to his home at ten a.m. next day for discussions.

The World Economic Herald, a weekly from Shanghai, normally scheduled to appear today, has six blocks of content from a memorial forum held in cooperation with the New Observer magazine (新观察) on April 19. The 25 participants spoke highly of Hu Yaobang’s humanness, as a person of democratic open-mindedness [or liberalism - 民主开明], and of deep humanity. Science and Technology Daily vice chief editor Sun Changjiang [see above, entering into the forbidden area of coverage], Guangming Daily‘s reporter Dai Qing, and Yan Jiaqi of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences political science institute state more clearly that Hu Yaobang was forced to resign, and that he died while being treated unfairly. 300,000 copies of the World Economic Herald were printed by Saturday, some of it already at the post offices, while the remainder is stored at the printing house. But when Shanghai’s municipal party committee is informed about some of the content, it orders the postal offices to stop the dispatch of the papers, and seals the remaining copies in the printing house off. In the afternoon, the CCP municipal committee has a meeting with World Economic Herald chief editor Qin Benli in the afternoon, telling him that what is said in the account of the forum is correct, but that, as May 4 comes nearer, they fear that this could stirr the students’ emotions, add to the pressure on the government, and express their hope that the more sensitive content will be removed. The World Economic Herald does not agree with the cuts and revisions.

At the time, the World Economic Review’s Beijing office is the meeting point for democratic and liberal personalities. The office director Zhang Weiguo has strong campaigning skills and is broadly connected. Because of having led the [memorial] forum and for other reasons, he will be arrested after the June-4 crackdown.

To be continued

The Weeks before June 4, 1989

May 4 is now behind us – the day when official China remembers how the young stood up for a better and stronger nation. June 4 is ahead – the 24th anniversary of the Tian An Men massacre. I will try to continue a rough translation of an account by Wu Renhua, a former China University of Political Science and Law professor, who tweeted his account in 2011.

Translations so far – dates to the right refer to the day of translation, and not to the day in history:

The Weeks before June 4, 1989	April 17, 2012
The Weeks before June 4: Wu Renhua’s Introduction	April 18, 2012
The Weeks before June 4 – a Desire to do Better than in 1987	April 19, 2012
The Weeks before June 4 – Towards the Sun	April 26, 2012
The Weeks before June 4 – a Trip to North Korea	April 28, 2012
The Weeks before June 4 – Asserting Authority	April 29, 2012
The Weeks before June 4 – Hu Yaobang’s Funeral	April 30, 2012
The Weeks before June 4 – Role Allocations	May 5, 2012

I started translating Wu’s story in 2012. I didn’t manage translating all of Wu’s account (not even close), and I won’t achieve a complete translation this time either. But I’ll deliver some more instalments this year, and maybe another batch in 2014.

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Related

» Xi: Open the Skies for the Young, May 5, 2013

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Continued here »

Businesslike Fourth Option

Prof Andrew Graves, head of the University’s School of Management, told Li he could resubmit the 12,000-word essay, appeal against the mark or accept it and withdraw from the course.

But Li told the professor “I am a businessman”, before placing £5,000 in cash on the table in front of him.

“There is a fourth option, you can keep the money if you give me a pass mark and I won’t bother you again,” he told Prof Graves.

BBC News, April 23, 2013

Ifeng (Phoenix, Hong Kong) and Xinwen Wanbao (Shanghai) also report the story, but can only use a phonetic combination of characters to write Yang’s name, as they draw on a Daily Mail report.

Chinese Media Control: Three further Efforts

News from foreign (or outside-border) sources must no longer be used by Chinese press people without prior authorization, Radio Australia‘s Mandarin service quotes a notice from China’s SARFT (State Administration of Radio, Film, and Television). Also part of a move to standardize editorial behavior are the management of news websites, and of blogging and microblogging – three further efforts combined. According to Radio Australia, editors and journalists are also told to get approval from their work units before registering with a microblogging platform (probably particularly before registering with Sina Weibo).

Reporters without Borders (RSF) published a statement on Wednesday, roundly condemning the SARFT directive. RSF believes that embarrassing revelations about China’s leaders in foreign media – particularly about the alledged fortunes acquired by former chief state councillor Wen Jiabao‘s and current party general secretary and state chairman Xi Jinping‘s families – had triggered the move.

How the Tiger Roared, and how the Fly Roared Back: “Officials are no Slaves of the Common People”

Astronomically expensive cigarettes and alcoholic drinks, luxurious conferences… all kinds of waste of public funding disrupt the party’s working style, undermine the political atmosphere, and erode the ways of the people, Enorth (Tianjin) quotes a People’s Daily editorial today. To promote a better spirit, more sobriety and more virtue wouldn’t be enough, the editorial says. “Some people” could still stick to their bad ways under the excuse of “work requirements” (工作需要). Only improved measures and effective supervision could rein in on whatever kinds of wasteful mindsets and on “tip of the tongue corruption”(舌尖上的腐败)^*). Measures which were stronger in terms of punctuality, pertinence and operability were apparently needed to punish all kinds of thriftless behavior, muses the editorial. Open information wasn’t enough, as it lacked specification, and as punishment didn’t deter the undesirable behavior. Supervision was the heart of the matter. Discipline inspection and audits were required to dispel excessive consumption.

All departments needed to take the initiative to create open information, to establish platforms of public [or the masses'] scrutiny to achieve these goals, writes the People’s Daily.

» Only if you commit truly grave mistakes…

That calls for some footnotes from the grassroots, and in a timely demonstration of inner-party democracy, an official from Guangzhou adds some practical advice:

“Officials have a right to privacy, too, just as patients have a right to privacy when they get medical treatment. This needs to be protected.” The preparatory meeting for the 11th Guangdong National People’s Congress is carried out today. Guangzhou delegation member Ye Pengzhi believes that combatting corruption and encouraging honesty creates a situation of high pressure within society, under which the corruption-minded won’t dare to be corrupt. As for a system of making officials’ property transparent, he suggests to conduct random checks on public officials’ properties, for example by means of lot numbers.

“官员也有自己的隐私权，就像医生治病，病人的病例是隐私，需要保护。”今天，广东省人大十一届一次会议举行了预备会议。广州团的叶鹏智代表认为，反腐倡廉应该形成社会高压态势，让有腐败想法的人不敢贪。关于官员财产公开制度，他建议采取随机抽检的方式公开官员财产，比如可以采取定期“摇号”的办法。

Ye Pengzhi believes that the discipline inspection departments have all kinds of means to supervise officials, but to make officials’ properties public wasn’t necessarily the best method. “I advocate that assets should be declared to the organization, but not necessarily be made known to the public. The more you do that, the more the public atmosphere will be unconducive to fairness and impartiality. It will prompt people under the banner of “public opinion” to engage in populism.”

叶鹏智认为，纪检部门本身已经有各种手段监督官员，向公众公开官员财产不一定是最佳方式。“我提倡可以向组织申报财产，但不一定对公众公开，越是这样，社会风气越不利于公平公正，要警惕一些人打着‘民意’的旗号搞民粹主义。”

Ye Pengzhi persistently asks: “Is there a legal basis for making officials’ properties public? Did the National People’s Congress promulgate a law for the publication of assets? Officials are people, too, they have a right to privacy, too. Officials are the servants, not the slaves of the common people.”

叶鹏智进一步追问：“要官员公开财产有法律依据吗？全国人大有公布财产公开的法律吗？官员也是人，也有隐私；官员是公仆，不是老百姓的奴隶。”

Lavish parties conferences and meetings at the taxpayers’ expense should not be confused with actual property or assets owned by officials. In that regard, People’s Daily and Ye aren’t addressing exactly the same issue. But in public perception, the difference between acquiring property and inflating operational costs is mainly ignored, as they both blend into corruption.

It’s the season for all kinds of anti-corruption talks. CCP secretary general Xi Jinping spoke at the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection a few days ago, and announced that no exception will be made when it comes to party disciplines and law. And no difference was to be made between tigers (老虎) and flies (苍蝇). Foreign media believed that Xi’s speech had once again boosted anti-corruption work (外界认为，习近平这番讲话无疑为反贪工作再次注入强心针), Xinhua wrote in a vague review of the international press. But then, Ye Pengzhi is no part of the foreign press, and too much of a boost could lead to public abuse.

The main difference between Ye and People’s Daily’s editorial seems to lie in the issue of public supervision. At least as far as the People’s Daily editorial – or its rendition by Enorth – goes, the concept of platforms for supervision by the public isn’t too specific, but it is mentioned, and it’s usefulness is acknowledged. Human-flesh searches by netizens are hardly desirable when it comes to the goal of a harmonious (or even just civil) society. That said, no conventional measures have done much to get corruption under control during the past decades – not even close.

Large swathes of the Chinese public can be excessive in their demand for punishment and prosecution of corrupt officials. A scenario where revenge – not only for official corruption, but for power abuses of all kinds – would take control doesn’t look terribly attractive – Ye may have a point there. But if the party doesn’t get its act together, it will be the public’s turn anyway – sooner or later.

A totalitarian system can sweep home-made mortifications under the carpet for a long time, but  it also tends to create the conditions for its own eventual downfall – unless the CCP finds a way to have its cake and eat it, too.

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Note

^*) Apparently a quote from an ancient Indian political theorist, Chanakya: Just as it’s impossible not to taste honey or poison when it’s on the tip of the tongue, so it’s impossible for a government servant not to eat up at least a bit of the king’s revenue.

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Related

» 外媒关注习近平讲话, Xinhua, January 24, 2013
» Public-Vehicle Petitions, Dec 27, 2012

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After Suicide: Guangzhou Government Defends Qi Xiaolin’s Name

« Previous coverage (January 9)

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Main Link: secretary of the political and law committee: no Violations of Discipline found (穗政法委书记:未发现祁晓林违法纪)

Links within blockquote added during translation.

Yangcheng Evening Post, reporter Wang Pu. On January 9 at noon, Guangzhou Municipal PSB office’s website “Guangzhou Golden Shield” (广州金盾网) stated: deputy municipal PSB director Qi Xiaolin hanged himself to death.

羊城晚报讯 记者王普报道：1月9日中午，广州市公安局官网“广州金盾网”发布消息：广州市公安局副局长祁晓林自缢身亡。

The notice said: on January 8, 2013, Guangzhou Municipal PSB deputy director Qi Xiaolin hanged himself and died, aged 55. Comrade Qi Xiaolin suffered from depression at his lifetime. Yangcheng Evening Post learned that Qi hanged himself in his office’s rest room inside the Guangzhou PSB building.

消息称：“2013年1月8日18时许，广州市公安局党委副书记、副局长祁晓林自缢身亡，终年55岁。祁晓林同志生前身患疾病，有抑郁症状。”羊城晚报记者了解到，祁晓林是在广州公安局大楼内自己办公室内的洗手间自缢的。

“Qi Xiaolin indeed suffered from depression, but there had been no indication that he would hang himself”, a PSB officer told this reporter. On Tuesday afternoon, there had been a democratic cadre appraisal of mid-level cadres, and these cadres had all voted there in the [PSB building's] auditorium. “At that time, Qi Xiaolin and other leading cadres attended on the rostrum, and while they were checking the votes, he returned to his office. As the counting process took quite a while, nobody noticed that Qi hadn’t returned, or wondered why he didn’t come back.” It is said that Qi’s secretary wanted to ask him back to the meeting and found that he had hanged himself to death. He left no suicide note. Legal medical examinations and procurial organs found no doubts about the cause of death.

“祁晓林的确是有患病，但突然自缢却一点征兆也没有。”一位公安人员告诉记者，1月8日下午，广州市公安局中层干部集体民主评选干部，处以上干部都到公安 局礼堂内投票。“当时，祁晓林副局长与其他局领导在主席台上，验票时他回到了自己办公室。由于验票时间较长，没有人再留意到祁晓林最后没有到场，或者是为 什么没有到场”。据称，验票结束后祁晓林的秘书通知其回到会议上，进入办公室后，才发现祁晓林已自缢身亡。他生前没有留下遗书。经法医、检察机关勘查证 实，死亡原因无疑点。

Qi Xiaolin entered rural ranks after junior high school graduation, then entered police school, initially at Guangzhou Huangpu District PSB branch office, and rose from an ordinary policeman to become the branch office’s deputy political commissar and director, then switched to Fangcun PSB branch office to become its director, and then became Guangzhou Municipal PSB deputy party secretary and deputy director in 2003, ranking third in its hierarchy.

祁晓林1973年初中毕业后到农村插队，之后考入警校，最早在广州市黄埔区公安分局工作，由普通警员升任分局副政委、分局局长，2000年交流至芳村公安分局任局长，2003年升任广州市公安局党委副书记、副局长，在广州市公安局领导中排名第三位。

A senior people’s policeman told this reporter that “Qi Xiaolin was good at investigating criminal cases. During his time at Huangpu and Fangcun Districts, he solved important cases. After becoming deputy PSB director, he was mainly in charge of the traffic police, PSB internal security, the subway and liason with Tianhe District PSB branch office. The last public event he attended was on December 18, 2012, at the “National key internet media Guangdong line – Guangzhou scientific development implementation informative meeting”.

一位资深民警告诉羊城晚报记者：“祁晓林是侦办刑事案件的一把好手，他在黄埔区、芳村区时都曾破获大要案件。”祁晓林任广州市公安局副局长后，分管部门为 交警、内保、保卫、地铁，联系天河区公安分局。祁晓林最后一次出席公开活动是2012年12月18日在“全国重点网络媒体广东行——广州落实科学发展观情 况介绍会”上介绍广州社会治安情况。

There had been beliefs that Qi, having been in charge of traffic police for so long, was linked to corruption cases in this administrative field, but a people’s policeman said: “That’s not too likely. If there was such a link, he wouldn’t have been left in charge of car traffic administration.”

因祁晓林分管交警多年，有人事后将其自杀与此前广州市车管所腐败窝案联系起来，一位民警认为：“不大可能，如果他与车管窝案有牵连，早就不会让其继续分管交警”。

An old classmate said: “Qi Xia0lin was introverted, not very talkative. He frequently felt pain on his neck, didn’t sleep well, and I’ve heard his family people say that they had learned about his depression”. A people’s policeman said: “Qi Xiaolin was responsible for security work for a long time. There was a lot of pressure.”

祁晓林的一位校友称：“祁晓林性格内向、不愿意将什么事情说出来，他颈椎部位经常有疼痛，一直睡眠不好，听他家人说已发现有抑郁症”。一位民警称：“祁副局长期分管保卫工作，责任、压力较大”。

Yangcheng Evening Post concludes the article with a statement from Wu Sha (吴沙), Guangzhou secretary of the political and law committee (see here for a “Global Times” news article in English). After his statement, Wu expressed his sympathy to Qi’s relatives.

The statement was apparently needed, not necessarily because of Qi Xiaolin as a person, but because of general suspicion against the PSB or public officials. Among those who have commented on Huanqiu Shibao on the story since yesterday, cynicism prevails. There are only six comments now – at least some more have been removed since. None of them is sympathetic, but eleven hours ago, “King Qin’s Warrior” had the last word so far with the only comment at a conflict of sorts with the others: Take severe measures against corruption, so that a prosperious people lives in the country at peace. Let the nation unite, and defend itself against foreign enemies.

According to Yangcheng Evening Post, Qi Xiaolin was born in September 1957, and was a native of Haiyang, Shandong Province.

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Related

» Partytalk, May 19, 2012
» Satisfaction of the People, Aug 16, 2009

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Xi Jinping Lecture: Personal Experience

Xinhua online (republished here by Enorth, Tianjin), January 5, 2013, on a speech held by Xi Jinping on Saturday. According to the article, Xi discussed his personal learning experience in upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics (就坚持和发展中国特色社会主义谈了自己的学习体会).

Main Link: Unwaveringly upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics.

Links within blockquotes added during translation – JR.

On January 5, new members and alternate members of the Central Committee held a seminar at the Party School in Beijing on the spirit of the 18th National Congress. CCP Secretary General and Central Military Commission Chairman Xi Jinping held an important speech at the seminar’s opening ceremony. He pointed out that the choice of the road to take was related to the wax or wane of the party’s cause. The road was the life of the party. Socialism with Chinese characteristics was the dialectical unity of scientific socialist theoretical logic and Chinese social development history’s logic, rooted in the lands of China, reflecting the wishes of the Chinese people, suiting China’s and the times’ requirements for developing and progressing scientific socialism, and the only road for the achievement of a society of modest prosperity all over the country, for the accelerated promotion of socialist modernization, and to achieve the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation¹⁾.

新进中央委员会的委员、候补委员学习贯彻党的十八大精神研讨班5日在中央党校开班。中共中央总书记、中共中央军委主席习近平在开班式上发表重要讲话。他强调，道路问题是关系党的事业兴衰成败第一位的问题，道路就是党的生命。中国特色社会主义，是科学社会主义理论逻辑和中国社会发展历史逻辑的辩证统一，是根植于中国大地、反映中国人民意愿、适应中国和时代发展进步要求的科学社会主义，是全面建成小康社会、加快推进社会主义现代化、实现中华民族伟大复兴的必由之路。

The second paragraph doesn’t seem to contain anything new – except, perhaps, that Mao Zedong‘s theories aren’t mentioned. Deng Xiaoping theory and Jiang Zemin‘s “Three Represents” do get their mention. The instructions from the “State Information Office”, issued prior to the CCP’s 18th National Congress, didn’t appear to contain references to Mao Zedong either. The 17th Central Committee’s “Cultural Decision” mentions both Mao and Deng.

Huanqiu Shibao emoticon menu: no emotions. (click picture for the same Xinhua article republished on Huanqiu.)

[...] This is the 31rst year since entering socialism with Chinese characteristics as proposed by Comrade Deng Xiaoping. Primarily, Xi Jinping, from the perspectives of history and reality, discussed his own learning experience with upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics. He analyzed from the six stages of socialist ideology to today’s point in the historical process, with the contents of utopian socialism, Marxism, Engels’ scientific socialist theory systems, the Lenin-led October Revolution Victory’s socialism, the Soviet form of socialist practice, our party’s exploration and practice of socialism after the establishment of New China, our party’s historical decision to carry out reform and opening up, creating and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics.

[.....] 今年是邓小平同志提出建设中国特色社会主义进入31个年头了。习近平重点从历史和现实的角度，就坚持和发展中国特色社会主义谈了自己的学习体会。他从6个时间段分析了社会主义思想从提出到现在的历史过程，内容包括空想社会主义产生和发展，马克思、恩格斯创立科学社会主义理论体系，列宁领导十月革命胜利并实践社会主义，苏联模式逐步形成，新中国成立后我们党对社会主义的探索和实践，我们党作出进行改革开放的历史性决策、开创和发展中国特色社会主义。

Xi Jinping pointed out that Comrade Deng Xiaoping pioneered socialism with Chinese characteristics, answering, for the first time, the questions of China’s relative economic and cultural backwardness and how to build socialism [under these circumstances], how to solidify and develop socialism’s leading problems, by using new ideological points of view, carrying forward and developing Marxism, extending the boundaries of Marxism, and raising the scientific level of understanding socialism.

习近平指出，邓小平同志开创了中国特色社会主义，第一次比较系统地初步回答了在中国这样经济文化比较落后的国家如何建设社会主义、如何巩固和发展社会主义的一系列基本问题，用新的思想观点，继承和发展了马克思主义，开拓了马克思主义新境界，把对社会主义的认识提高到新的科学水平。

Xi Jinping emphasized that socialism with Chinese characteristics is socialism, but no other doctrine. The basic principles of sicentific socialism could not be lost – what had been lost wasn’t socialism. Which doctrine a country implemented depended crucially on which historical tasks a country had to solve. History and reality both tell us that only socialism can save China, and that only socialism with Chinese characteristics can develop China. This is the conclusion of history, and the people’s choice. With the continuous development of socialism with Chinese characteristics, our country’s socialist system will keep maturing, our country’s socialist system’s superiority [or advantage] will continuously reveal itself, and our path will become ever broader. As long as we have this trust in the road we have taken, as long as we have trust in our theories, and trust in our system, we can truly act [in accordance with Zheng Banqiao's words/paintings]: “Suffered from hardship, they never fright, no matter the wind in all directions beat”²⁾.

习近平强调，中国特色社会主义是社会主义而不是其他什么主义，科学社会主义基本原则不能丢，丢了就不是社会主义。一个国家实行什么样的主义，关键要看这个主义能否解决这个国家面临的历史性课题。历史和现实都告诉我们，只有社会主义才能救中国，只有中国特色社会主义才能发展中国，这是历史的结论、人民的选择。随着中国特色社会主义不断发展，我们的制度必将越来越成熟，我国社会主义制度的优越性必将进一步显现，我们的道路必将越走越宽广。我们就是要有这样的道路自信、理论自信、制度自信，真正做到“千磨万击还坚劲，任尔东西南北风”。

In the following paragraph, Xi still doesn’t mention Mao Zedong, but emphasizes a kind of unity between socialism in China before, and after the policies of reform and opening up:

Xi Jinping pointed out that our party led the people in the construction of socialism, and that there were the historical periods before and since reform and opening up. These were interrelated, but also with major differences from each other. Essentially, however, our party led the people in the implementation of socialist construction and practical exploration. They were different from each other in their ideological guidance, principles and policies, but not at all separate from each other, and definitely no opposites to each other. We must adhere to the ideological line of seeking truth in the facts, distinguish between the main current and the tributary rivers, adhere to the truth, correct mistakes, carry forward our experience, learn our lessons ["breathing them in", 吸取教训], and on this basis make the party’s and the people’s cause advance.

习近平指出，我们党领导人民进行社会主义建设，有改革开放前和改革开放后两个历史时期，这是两个相互联系又有重大区别的时期，但本质上都是我们党领导人民进行社会主义建设的实践探索。中国特色社会主义是在改革开放历史新时期开创的，但也是在新中国已经建立起社会主义基本制度、并进行了20多年建设的基础上开创的。虽然这两个历史时期在进行社会主义建设的思想指导、方针政策、实际工作上有很大差别，但两者决不是彼此割裂的，更不是根本对立的。不能用改革开放后的历史时期否定改革开放前的历史时期，也不能用改革开放前的历史时期否定改革开放后的历史时期。要坚持实事求是的思想路线，分清主流和支流，坚持真理，修正错误，发扬经验，吸取教训，在这个基础上把党和人民事业继续推向前进。

Xi Jinping emphasized that Marxism is bound to go with the times, practice and science continuously develop, and there is nothing set in its ways. Socialism has always progressed by opening up. Adhering to and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics is a great chapter. Comrade Deng Xiaoping defined [this chapter's] basic ideas and principles, and with Comrade Jiang Zemin at the core of the party’s collective third leadership generation and Comrade Hu Jintao as the secretary general of the party’s central committee, another brilliant section had been added to the great chapter. Now, it is the task of our generation of Communists to continue to write this great chapter. Adhere to Marxism, to socialism, and make sure you have a developing point of view [or development point of view]. The more advanced our cause will be, the more developed it will be, new situations and problems will increase. We will face more and more risks and challenges, and unforeseeable matters. We must be prepared for unexpected developments, be prepared for danger in times of peace, what you know, you know, what you don’t know, you don’t know. When you know, create the conditions to do it, and if you don’t know, keep learning and studying to work it out. We cannot afford ambiguities.

习近平强调，马克思主义必定随着时代、实践和科学的发展而不断发展，不可能一成不变，社会主义从来都是在开拓中前进的。坚持和发展中国特色社会主义是一篇大文章，邓小平同志为它确定了基本思路和基本原则，以江泽民同志为核心的党的第三代中央领导集体、以胡锦涛同志为总书记的党中央在这篇大文章上都写下了精彩的篇章。现在，我们这一代共产党人的任务，就是继续把这篇大文章写下去。坚持马克思主义，坚持社会主义，一定要有发展的观点。我们的事业越前进、越发展，新情况新问题就会越多，面临的风险和挑战就会越多，面对的不可预料的事情就会越多。我们必须增强忧患意识，做到居安思危，懂就是懂，不懂就是不懂；懂了的就努力创造条件去做，不懂的就要抓紧学习研究弄懂，来不得半点含糊。

Xi Jinping pointed out that CCP members, and particularly leading cadres, must be firm believers in and loyal practitioners of the lofty ideals (远大理想) of communism and the common ideals of socialism with Chinese characteristics. We want to adhere to the faith in going the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and at the same time maintain the lofty ideals (崇高理想) of communism, resolutely implement and carry out the party’s basic road and basic guiding principles in the initial stage of socialism, and successfuly do every piece of work of the day. Revolutionary ideals reach higher than the skies. Without lofty ideals, there is no qualified communist, and abandoning practical work and empty talk about lofty ideals makes no qualified communist either. The measure of a Communist and a leading cadre is if he has lofty Communist ideals, objective standards, if he is able to serve the people with his whole heart, if he is able to stand difficulties before enjoying the achievements, if he can work hard, if he honestly does his duties, if he struggles selflessly, fights, and devotes all his energy and life. All confused and hesitant points of view, making merry while one can, all selfish behavior, all inefficiency is incompatible with this.

习近平指出，共产党员特别是党员领导干部要做共产主义远大理想和中国特色社会主义共同理想的坚定信仰者和忠实践行者。我们既要坚定走中国特色社会主义道路的信念，也要胸怀共产主义的崇高理想，矢志不移贯彻执行党在社会主义初级阶段的基本路线和基本纲领，做好当前每一项工作。革命理想高于天。没有远大理想，不是合格的共产党员；离开现实工作而空谈远大理想，也不是合格的共产党员。衡量一名共产党员、一名领导干部是否具有共产主义远大理想，是有客观标准的，那就要看他能否坚持全心全意为人民服务的根本宗旨，能否吃苦在前、享受在后，能否勤奋工作、廉洁奉公，能否为理想而奋不顾身去拼搏、去奋斗、去献出自己的全部精力乃至生命。一切迷惘迟疑的观点，一切及时行乐的思想，一切贪图私利的行为，一切无所作为的作风，都是与此格格不入的。

Li Keqiang presided over the seminar’s opening ceremony.

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Notes

¹⁾ Great rejuvenation was the theme Tuo Zhen, propaganda chief of Guangdong’s CCP branch, reportedly inserted into Southern Weekly‘s original New Year’s article, instead of the original article’s “China dream”, which would have related to constitutionalism and to checks and balances on and within political power.

²⁾ The probable source for this quote by Xi Jinping is Zheng Banqiao (aka Zheng Xie), an offical and painter from Jiangsu, is the probable source for this quote by Xi Jinping. Wikipedia: When he was reportedly criticized for building a shelter for the poor, he resigned (Wikipedia, accessed 20130105).

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Related

» Xi endorses Deng mantra, SCMP, Jan 5, 2013
» Xi reiterates, “Global Times”, Jan 1, 2013
» Whose China Dream, Jan 5, 2013
» People with Lofty Ideas (仁人志士), Oct 31, 2010

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