Posts tagged ‘民生’

Monday, March 18, 2013

Xi Jinping’s Speech on Sunday: China Towering, but Development remains Overriding Ideology

Both an important speech (重要讲话) itself and the Chinese press coverage are part of the same decoration team, aiming at not only creating a verbal message, but an atmosphere, too. Newly elected state chairman Xi Jinping‘s speech on Sunday was no exception.

Today, our People’s Republic stands towering in the East of the world.

今天,我们的人民共和国正以昂扬的姿态屹立在世界东方。

Comrade Hu Jintao held the post of state chairman for ten years, and with a wealth of political wisdom, excellent leadership qualities, assiduous work spirit, did outstanding deeds to uphold and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics, won the love and support from all the nationalities of China and the international community’s universal praise. We express our sincere gratitude and greatest respect to Comrade Hu Jintao!

胡锦涛同志担任国家主席10年间,以丰富的政治智慧、高超的领导才能、勤勉的工作精神,为坚持和发展中国特色社会主义建立了卓越的功勋,赢得了全国各族人民衷心爱戴和国际社会普遍赞誉。我们向胡锦涛同志,表示衷心的感谢和崇高的敬意!

vote

Approving the predecessors: vote on last year’s government work report et al.
Click photo for CCTV coverage.

No need to repeat oneself. In Xinhua newsagency’s coverage, it is Xi Jinping himself who stands towering:

Wearing a dark-blue suit and a red tie, the membership hanging on his chest, Xi Jinping, tall of stature, stood smiling, calmly and self-confident. His voice clear, bright and vigorous, looking frank and honest, resolute and steadfast, he revealed the power of stirring people to action.

身着深色西装,佩带红色领带,胸挂出席证,身材高大的习近平微笑站立,从容自信。清朗而浑厚的声音,坦诚而刚毅的目光,透出激奋人心的力量。

“To achieve the construction of a moderately prosperous society, and the goal of a strong and prosperous, democratic and civilized, harmonious socialist modern motherland, to achieve the Chinese dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, this means achieving modern national prosperity and strength, vigorous national revitalization, and the happiness of the people …”

“实现全面建成小康社会、建成富强民主文明和谐的社会主义现代化国家的奋斗目标,实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦,就是要实现国家富强、民族振兴、人民幸福……”

Witnessed by the Great Hall of the People, under the stars of its dome, under surges of applause, Xi Jinping firmly said:

人民大会堂见证,在繁星点点的穹顶下,在如潮涌动的掌声中,习近平坚定表示:

To bring about the Chinese dream, we must take the Chinese road.
To bring about the Chinese dream, we must advance the Chinese spirit.
To bring about the Chinese dream we must cohere Chinese power.

——实现中国梦必须走中国道路。

——实现中国梦必须弘扬中国精神。

——实现中国梦必须凝聚中国力量。

This is the duty the leaders of the People’s Republic of China take for the motherland, the people: we must never be complacent, we must never be sluggish, we must make persistent efforts, advance boldly, continue to push forward the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and continue to struggle for the achievement of the Chinese dream of China’s great rejuvenation.

这是共和国领导者对祖国、对人民的情怀和担当:我们不能有丝毫自满,不能有丝毫懈怠,必须再接再厉、一往无前,继续把中国特色社会主义事业推向前进,继续为实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦而努力奋斗。

This is our promise to the people: The Chinese dream is, after all, the dream of the Chinese people, it must firmly rely on the people to achieve it, it must continuously bring benefit for the people.

这是对民族的承诺:“中国梦归根到底是人民的梦,必须紧紧依靠人民来实现,必须不断为人民造福。”

That much from the Xinhua report, and back to the actual speech:

development remains the overriding (or absolute) strategic ideology (我们要坚持发展是硬道理的战略思想), said Xi, thus quoting “Deng Xiaoping theory”, but added that the fruits from development should benefit the entire people in a fairer way – and that China was still in “the first stage of socialism”.1)

Taiwan didn’t escape a mention either2):

Numerous Taiwanese compatriots and mainland compatriots join hands and support, maintain and promote cross-strait relations and peaceful development, enhance the happiness and benefit of compatriots on both sides of the Taiwan Strait, jointly set up the new and further prospects of the Chinese nation. Numerous overseas Chinese want to make contributions to carry forward the Chinese nation’s the fine, diligent and kind Chinese tradition, and work diligently to advance the motherlands development, to promote the Chinese people’s and local people’s friendship.

广大台湾同胞和大陆同胞要携起手来,支持、维护、推动两岸关系和平发展,增进两岸同胞福祉,共同开创中华民族新的前程。广大海外侨胞,要弘扬中华民族勤劳善良的优良传统,努力为促进祖国发展、促进中国人民同当地人民的友谊作出贡献。

The Chinese people love peace. We will hold the banner of peace, development, cooperation and win-win high, we won’t change our road of peaceful development, we won’t change the strategy of mutual benefit and opening up, we will make efforts to cooperate friendly with all the countries of the world, fulfill our international responsibilities and duties, continue to work with all people in all countries to advance the lofty cause of humankind’s peace and development.

中国人民爱好和平。我们将高举和平、发展、合作、共赢的旗帜,始终不渝走和平发展道路,始终不渝奉行互利共赢的开放战略,致力于同世界各国发展友好合作,履行应尽的国际责任和义务,继续同各国人民一道推进人类和平与发展的崇高事业。

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Notes

1) 31 members of the 12th National People’s Congress (NPC) are farmers-turned migrant workers, China Radio International (CRI) reported on Sunday. That number was a tenfold increase from the 11th NPC. But they are hardly a match to the 90 NPC members who appear to be worth at least 1.8 billion Yuan (The Economist, March 16, 2013, page 53).
2) Stability in Hong Kong and Macau was an issue addressed by Xi, too. One day later, on March 18, Xi reminded visiting Hong Kong chief executive Leung Chun-ying that implementation was the key to the chief executive’s vision of “seeking change while maintaining stability” in Hong Kong.
“I’m not an idiot either”, replied Leung. (No, Leung said no such thing. This is just a malicious rumor, courtesy of JR.)

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Related

» Nods to Public Concerns, NY Times, March 14, 2013
» Delegates make Difference, March 6, 2009

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Thursday, January 3, 2013

An Inspection Tour: Cross-Legged on the Kang

Latest (probable) directive from the propaganda department (in these or other words):

“Dampen great nationalist expectations, but strike a chord with them nevertheless. Dampen expectations among the masses at large. Display the care and awareness of the Central Committee for those stricken by hardship. Spread a message of hope and glory, but modest glory.”

Former foreign minister (and probably still a central-committee member) Li Zhaoxing showed that kind of concern in global terms, in an interview with the Guangzhou Daily. Around the same time, Xi Jinping demonstrated his awareness locally, on December 29 and 30, 2012.

Main Link: Xi Jinping visits People in Straited Circumstances in Fuping Country, Hebei Province
Links within blockquotes added during translation.

Eradicating poverty, improving the people’s livelihood and to achieve common prosperity was the innate character of socialism, Xi Jinping told people in Fuping, Hebei Province, during a visit last year.

[...] we will pay special attention to people in straitened circumstances, we will care especially for them, and we will do our best to help them to dispell their worries and to solve their problems.

我们要格外关注、格外关爱、格外关心,千方百计帮助他们排忧解难

From December 29 to December 30, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and Chairman of the Central Military Commission Xi Jinping visited and comforted people in straitened circumstances in Hebei Province’s Fuping County. This picture (Xinhua Newsagency) shows him visiting the poor Tang Rongbin’s family in Luotuowan Village, Longguan town.

12月29日至30日,中共中央总书记、中央军委主席习近平在河北省阜平县看望慰问困难群众。这是习近平在龙泉关镇骆驼湾村到困难群众唐荣斌家看望。 新华社发

From December 29 to December 30, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and Chairman of the Central Military Commission Xi Jinping visited and comforted people in straitened circumstances in Hebei Province’s Fuping County, inspecting the [local] work to help the poor. This picture (Xinhua Newsagency) shows Xi Jinping in Gujiatai Village’s retail department, inquiring about the rural village’s everyday supply situation.

12月29日至30日,中共中央总书记、中央军委主席习近平在河北省阜平县看望慰问困难群众,考察扶贫工作。这是习近平在龙泉关镇顾家台村的小卖部,了解农村日常用品供应情况。新华社发

After the picture section, the actual article:

Xinhua Newsagency, Shijiazhuang, December 30, 2012 — the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and Chairman of the Central Military Commission Xi Jinping went to Fuping Country, Hebei Province, to visit and comfort people in straitened circumstances, and to inspect the work of helping the poor and development support there. He pointed out that eradicating poverty, improving the people’s livelihood and to achieve common prosperity was the innate character of socialism. We will pay special attention to people in straitened circumstances, we will care especially for them, and we will do our best to help them to dispell their worries and to solve their problems, with the safety and well-being of the masses always on our heart, and we will send the party’s and the government’s warmth to the innumerable homes.

新华社石家庄12月30日电 中共中央总书记、中央军委主席习近平近日到河北省阜平县看望慰问困难群众,考察扶贫开发工作。他强调,消除贫困、改善民生、实现共同富裕,是社会主义的本 质要求。对困难群众,我们要格外关注、格外关爱、格外关心,千方百计帮助他们排忧解难,把群众的安危冷暖时刻放在心上,把党和政府的温暖送到千家万户。

On December 29, Xi Jinping, in the freezing conditions of more then minus ten degrees C., travelled more than 300 kilometers by car and then arrived in Fuping County, in the depths of the Taihang Mountains. Fuping is an old revolutionary base area, in the border area of what was then the location of the Jin Cha Ji government. Fuping County is a major national poverty country [sometimes also referred to as key counties for poverty reduction]. Xi Jinping was perfectly concerned about the area’s cadres and masses, coming there especially before New Year to visit them.

29日下午,习近平冒着零下十几摄氏度的严寒,驱车300多公里来到地处太行山深处的阜平县。阜平是革命老区,是当年晋察冀边区政府所在地。阜平县也是全国重点贫困县。习近平对老区干部群众十分挂念,元旦前特地来到这里看望。

Xi and his entourage didn’t fail to make the point that unforgettable achievements had been made from the once-revolutionary base, plus pointing out the need to improve lives which remained comparatively difficult (生活还比较困难), and that with confidence, the yellow ground [i. e. the loess ground] would turn into gold (习近平强调,只要有信心,黄土变成金).

Xi Jinping [...] visited Tang Rongbin’s and Tang Zongxiu’s family, sat cross-legged on the kang with them hand in hand with the villagers, inquiring in detail about their incomes during the year, about food supplies, clothing and heating coal during the winter, the distances the children had to cover to attend school, and about conveniences and inconveniences when having to see a doctor.

习近平逐一走进困难群众唐荣斌家、唐宗秀家看望,盘腿坐在炕上,同乡亲手拉手,详细询问他们一年下来有多少收入,粮食够不够吃,过冬的棉被有没有,取暖的煤炭够不够,小孩上学远不远,看病方便不方便。

One of the more concrete contents of Xi’s tour was the mention of the new rural cooperative health system (新型农村合作医疗制度).

Wang Huning, Li Zhanshu and central responsible comrades in charge accompanied [Xi] on the inspection tour.

王沪宁、栗战书和中央有关部门负责同志陪同考察。

To see Xi Jinping cross-legged on the kang, go to this story republished by the “Global Times”.

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Related

» How they cried, December 24, 2012

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Monday, December 24, 2012

The Life of Xi Jinping: how they cried

Shenzhen Special Economic Zone Daily (深圳特区报) recently – possibly today – carried a long story about Xi Jinping – republished today by Enorth (Tianjin). The main ideological content of the article is nothing new – rather, it emphasizes continuity (and how Xi has been instrumental in bringing the current ideological status about, but it also points out Xi Jinping’s particularly “cordial ways”. All that along with a number of photos to underline the latter point. The following are excerpts from the article.

Main Link: “Xi Jinping chose the name Mingze for his daugher”

Xi Jinping has always regarded the people’s dream as his own dream. 43 years ago, he was sent to a village in northern Shaanxi as part of the educated youth sent to the countryside, being involved there for seven years. His first “official title” was that of a secretary of a “party cell” in a rural brigade. In 2007, experienced and toughened by many years of grassroots work and local work, he became a permanent member of the standing committee of the politburo, in charge of the Secretariat of the Central Committee, and also director of the party school. Soon afterwards, he became the vice chairman of the People’s Republic of China, and deputy chairman of the Central Military Commission. During the past five years, he has been part of the decisionmaking of the party and the state, and the decisionmaking, organizing and implementation of major policies.

习近平始终把人民的梦想作为自己的梦想。43年前,他曾作为知青到陕北农村插队,一干就是7年,他的第一个“官衔”,是构成中共组织体系“细胞”的大队 (行政村)党支部书记。2007年,经过多年基层和地方工作历练的习近平,当选中共中央政治局常委,担任中央书记处书记,兼任中央党校校长。他随后担任了 中华人民共和国副主席和中央军委副主席。5年来,他直接参与党和国家大政方针的研究制定,参与中央重大决策部署的组织实施。

[...]

He repeatedly emphasized that the party must manage the party, and rule it strictly. On November 17, on the first study meeting of the 18th Politburo, he profoundly pointed out that “things must not get rotten to get infested by worms. A multitude of facts are telling us: if corruption becomes more and more intense, it will, in the end, make the party and the country perhish! We must be vigilant!

他反复强调要坚持党要管党、从严治党。11月17日,他在十八届中共中央政治局第一次集体学习时深刻指出,“‘物必先腐,而后虫生。’大量事实告诉我们:腐败问题越演越烈,最终必然会亡党亡国!我们要警醒啊!”

[...]

There is an indissoluble bond between Xi Jinping and the troops. Early on, he worked at the General Office of the Central Military Commission for three years, and feelings between him and the troops remained deep afterwards. When he served [as a cadre, party secretary etc.] in the regions [and provinces], he served as the country armed forces first political commissar, municipal (regional) military committee first party secretary, the Provincial artillery Reserve Division first commissar, the Party committee of province military region first secretary and and the military region’s Military national defense mobilization committee, and he therefore fully understands the situation of the troops. He supports the army [literally: holds it in his arms], loves the military, and actively helps the troops to solve many practical problems. Having served as the deputy Central Military Commission’s chairman, he actively participated in the leadership work of building the military. At the 18th plenary session of the CCP’s Central Committee, he assumed the chairmanship of the CCP Central Military Commission.

习近平和军队有着不解之缘。早年他曾在中央军委办公厅工作过3年,与军队结下了深厚感情;在地方任职时,他先后担任过县人民武装部第一政委、市(地)军分 区党委第一书记、省高炮预备役师第一政委、省军区党委第一书记和大军区国防动员委员会领导等军队职务,十分熟悉军队情况。他拥军、爱军,积极帮助军队解决 了许多实际困难。出任中央军委副主席后,他积极参与国防和军队建设的领导工作。在中共十八届一中全会上,他接任中共中央军委主席。

"The People's Liberation Army is the School of the Mao Zedong Thought", cultural revolution poster. Fair-use Wikimedia Commons, click link for description.

“The People’s Liberation Army is the School of the Mao Zedong Thought”, cultural revolution poster. Fair-use Wikimedia Commons, click link for description.

Xi Jinping is tied to Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Aomen. Seventeen years of working experience in Fujian Province have led him to deeply understand Taiwan and cross-strait relations. Under his watch, Xiamen built the first mainland [literally: hinterland, 内地] Taiwan trading guild hall, Fuzhou built the first industrial village with mainly Taiwan-invested companies. He did great things in removing worries and problems of Taiwanese compatriots, and many Taiwanese compatriots regard him as a good friend.

习近平心系台港澳。17年的福建工作经历,使他深入了解了台湾及两岸关系。在他任上,厦门设立了内地首家台商会馆,福州建立了第一个以台资企业为主的工业村。他为台湾同胞做了大量排忧解难的事情,许多台湾同胞都把他视为好朋友。

Besides linking Xi to every ideological decision of the past decades, the article also tries to emphasize roles he played in most or every major event of the past decades, including the Olympic Games in Beijing, farming, or biogas promotion.

And, as has to be the case with any model soldier or cadre, villagers accompanied their educated-youth champion when he left the countryside in 1975, after his six rural years, with “very many of them in tears” (很多人不舍地哭了). Xi had been recommended to Tsinghua University to study there.

That’s only from the first page of the article, and by no means a full translation or account of it. The article reads as if a third person had written Xi’s cv and an application letter to the people, for Xi to assume the top posts in the party and the state. And of course, Shenzhen Special Economic Zone Daily has an additional reason to sing Xi Jinping’s praise. After all, his first inspection tour in his new capacity as the CCP’s general secretary took him to Shenzhen.

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Related

» The Latest about Xi Jinping Pingping, Dec 14, 2012
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Thursday, December 6, 2012

Style of Work: [edited] – a political issue, in essence

The CCP “revised and (re)adopted” its “constitution” on November 14 this year, at its 18th national congress. The “constitution’s” General Program, its Chapter VI (on party cadres), and its Chapter VIII (article 44) contain references to the CCP’s or the cadres’ “style of work”.

It’s a practical issue, as aloft or quixotic it may sound. This document from the ministry of railways about strengthening supervision on bid invitation and submission, project quality supervision, investment control and fund supervision may give us an idea.

Like most things in the CCP’s slogan threadmill, the issue (or the term, anyway) isn’t exactly new. When the Party School opened in 1942, Mao Zedong told those in attendance that there must be a revolutionary party because the world contains enemies who oppress the people and the people want to throw off enemy oppression. It was a fact that there is something in the minds of a number of our comrades which strikes one as not quite right, not quite proper. In short, the malady of subjectivism. And the style of study and the style of writing are also the Party’s style of work.

What was opposed to Marxism-Leninism and is incompatible with the Communist Party then isn’t exactly what is “opposed” to it today. In fact, Mao would probably order summary execution – or a pristine collective brainwash – for the 18th Central Committee today, if he rose from his preserving jar on Tian An Men Square. But as concepts of power, and as concepts of “closely connecting to the people”, many of the slogans (and, to some extent, the methodology) are still with us. And who could say that the theories had become aimless?

People’s Daily (人民日报) published an article on the new politbureau and on the “style of work” on Wednesday.

Main Link: Rectifying the party’s style by means of style of work; winning the people’s hearts by the party’s style (以作风正党风 以党风赢民心)

Links within blockquote added during translation.

The realistic and pragmatic image of an emerging new central leadership collecive has been followed with attention by society, and praised from many walks of life. On December 4, the politburo held a meeting and agreed to “improve the style of work”, and to the eight specific measures of “connecting closely to the people”, to travel with light luggage and few attendants and to arrive without pomp, to cut down the number of meetings to make them shorter, to make specifications for visits, to improve the style, etc., to continue to strengthen the new measures of style building. The central leading comrades should serve as examples, take the lead in setting examples, carry forward the party’s fine traditional work style, display the characters and morals of seeking truth in facts, conform to the masses’ expectations, and, by practical action display a new transformative style to the party, and to improve the party style’s call.

新一届中央领导集体展现的求真务实的形象,引起社会关注,备受各界赞扬。12月4日中央政治局召开会议,议定“改进工作作风、密切联系群众”八项具体举措,明确提出轻车简从、精简会议、规范出访、改进文风等进一步加强作风建设的新举措。中央领导同志以身作则、率先垂范,发扬党的优良传统作风,展现实事求是的思想品格,顺应人民群众的期待,以实际行动向全党发出了转变作风、改进党风的召唤。

The leading cadres’ words and deeds, related to the party’s image and decided the party’s weight in the hearts of the people. From the “three important work styles”1) to the “two musts”2), from the “eight do’s” 3) to the four da-xing 4), for a long time, our party has always made the building of work style its lifeline, an important component in its construction. The masses have – exactly from the party’s fine styles of work, from the leading cadres’ unity of talk and action – felt the party’s goal of whole-heartedly serving the people, and derived the strength of united struggle, invincibly binding together the party’s and the people’s hearts.

领导干部的言行,关乎党的形象,决定党在群众心中的分量。从“三大作风”到“两个务必”,从“八个坚持”到“四个大兴”,长期以来,我们党始终把作风建设作为党的生命线,作为党的建设的重要组成部分。人民群众正是从党的优良作风中,从领导干部一言一行中,感受全心全意为人民服务的宗旨,汲取团结奋斗的力量,凝聚起无坚不摧的党心和民心。在世情国情党情发生深刻变化的今天,我们更应看到作风建设的极端重要性,以作风正党风、以党风赢民心。

Since the 16th CCP National Congress, our party has been unremittingly maintained efforts and achieved remarkable results in the building of work style. But the party’s style-building is a long-term task, and to answer the demands of the masses and to meet the requirements of the times, we still need to do a lot of work, to solve some outstanding issues. For example, meetings should attach more importance to quality, and speech should be clearer and more concise, work in public affairs should be more simple and practical, extravagance should be avoided in reception [of guests], and bureaucratism and formalism should be resolutely opposed. Leading cadres should keep asking themselves how to act on seeking truth in the facts, how to impart and inherit qualities of plainness in life and work, and how connecting closely to the people can be reflected [by the leading cadres]?

党的十六大以来,我们党在作风建设方面作出了坚持不懈的努力,取得了显著成绩。但党的作风建设是一个长期的任务,回应人民群众的要求、适应时代发展的需要,我们还要做大量的工作,解决好一些突出问题。比如,开会应更加注重质量,讲话应更加简洁明了,公务活动应更加朴素务实,接待工作应力戒铺张,坚决反对官僚主义和形式主义。领导干部应经常想一想,实事求是的思想路线如何践行,艰苦朴素的优良品质如何传承,密切联系群众的作风怎样体现?

Leading cadres’ unity of talk and action are seen by the masses, and kept in mind. The issue of work style, in essence, is a political issue, embodying the common aspiration of the people. The eight measures (八项举措) issued by the central leading comrades to improve the style of work has set an example for us. All regions and departments, and especially all levels of leading cadres must deeply analyze the importance of improving style, start with themselves, take action from here, set examples by personal involvement, to unite strengths for the implementation of the spirit of the 18th National Congress, to use thoughts to solve important problems of reform and development, and to put energy on the safeguarding of the masses’ interests, to overcome difficulties in the people’s livelihood, to attain the people’s trust, consensus of opinion, to unitedly lead the entire country’s nationalities to unremitting efforts for the building of a moderately prosperous society.

领导干部的一言一行,群众都看在眼里、记在心里。作风问题,本质上是一个政治问题,体现了民心所向。中央领导同志提出的改进作风的八项举措,为我们树立了榜样。各地区、各部门特别是各级领导干部,要深刻领会改进作风的重要意义,从我做起,从现在做起,拿出行动,身体力行,把力量凝聚到贯彻十八大精神上来,把心思用到解决改革和发展的重要问题上来,把精力投入到维护群众利益、克服民生困难上来,取信于民、凝聚共识,团结带领全国各族人民为全面建成小康社会不懈奋斗。

Notes

1) In its political report, “On Coalition Government” (“Lun lianhe zhengfu”), delivered on 24 April 1945 at the 7th National Congress of the CCP, Mao said that his Party, armed with the ideological weapon of Marxism-Leninism, had formed three important styles of work – integrating theory with practice, forging close links with the masses, and practising self-criticism. (“Dictionary of the Political Thought of the People’s Republic of China”, Henry Yuhuai He, Armonk, New York, 2001).

2) The Two Musts were “to preserve modesty and prudence and to preserve the style of plain living and hard struggle”. They formed a key part of Mao’s professed, though unpractised, passion for peasant life. (Daily Telegraph, November 28, 2003

3) this (“eight do’s”?) may refer to the “eight honors”, but I’m not sure.

4) the si ge daxing were the style of close relations with the masses, realism and pragmatism, criticism and self-criticism and an embodiment of three styles – either first brought up or re-iterated at the 17th Central Committee’s Fourth Plenary Session.

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Related

» Role of (unobtrusive) Teachers, January 7, 2012
» Xi Jinping’s History Lesson, July 20, 2011

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Tuesday, November 13, 2012

Huanqiu on HK Survey: It’s not as Bad as you Think

The following is a translation of a Huanqiu Shibao article. It is therefore a mainland Chinese reflection of a Hong Kong survey. I haven’t read the survey itself, or coverage on the survey from elsewhere.

The Huanqiu article has been republished by many Chinese websites, including Sina‘s edition for Taiwan, Enorth (Tianjin), and many other regional or local websites in China.

Main Link: Only 2.4 percent of Hong Kong’s post-1980s…

In cases where the Cantonese pronounciation of Hong Kongers’ names within the Huanqiu article weren’t easily available online, I used putonghua pronounciation in this translation.

Be more Liu Dehua: 让世界知道我们都是中国人

Be more Andy Lau: 让世界知道我们都是中国人 (click picture for video)

Links within blockquote added during translation.

Exchanges between Hong Kong and the hinterland become more and more frequent, but a recent survey finds that Hong Kongers see their “Hong Kong identity” with growing clarity. Among them, young respondents born after 1980 feel most strongly about their “Hong Kong identity”. Some Hong Kong media explain that the findings reflect “resistance against Chinese identity” among part of Hong Kongers, and a “low national identity”. However, Anthony Y. H. Fung [Feng Yingqian], head of the Chinese University’s School of Journalism and Communication, and in charge of the survey, told a “Huanqiu Shibao” reporter on Monday that there was no contradiction between “Hong Kong identity” and “national identity”, that while the survey showed a Hong Kong “awareness of their native land”, it also showed that pride in the national flag, the national anthem or the People’s Liberation Army and other national symbols had also risen.

香港与内地的交流越来越频繁,但一项最新调查发现,香港人的“港人身份认同”越来越明显,其中“80后”的年轻受访者“港人身份认同感”最为强烈。有香港媒体在报道中解读称,调查结果反映部分港人“抗拒中国人的身份”、“国民身份认同感低”。不过,负责调查的香港中文大学新闻与传播学院院长冯应谦12日向《环球时报》记者澄清说,香港人对“港人身份认同”与“国民身份认同”并不存在矛盾,调查显示港人“本土意识”增加的同时,也显示过去十多年来香港人对于国旗、国歌或解放军等国家象征自豪感相对有上升。

According to a Hong Kong’s “Oriental Daily” report on Monday, the Chinese University’s SChool of Communication and a polling agency carried out a telephone survey last month, with 819 Hong Kongers as respondents. One question asked the respondents to tell to which category of people they belonged, with “Chinese people”, “Hong Kong people”, “Hong Kong people, but also Chinese people” and “Chinese people, but also Hong Kong people” to choose from. The survey found that 42 percent of the respondents chose that they were “Hong Kong people, but also Chinese people”, a small drop from two years ago, when the number was 44 percent. 23 percent chose the purely “Hong Kong people” identity. 22 percent said they were “Chinese, but also Hong Kong people”, and 12 percent felt that they were purely “Chinese people”, a new low after Hong Kong’s 1997 return. The survey divided respondents into those who were thirty years old or younger, the “post-1980s”, and those older than that. The results tell that the “post-1980s” don’t greatly identify with the “Chinese people identity”, with only 2.4 percent choosing “Chinese people”, while the share of older respondents identified with the “Chinese people” option by 15.9 percent.

据香港《东方日报》12日报道,香港中文大学传播与民意调查中心于上月中进行民意调查,以电话访问了819名港人,其中一个问题要求受访者回答自己属于哪一类人,四项选择为“中国人”、“香港人”、“香港人,但也是中国人”以及“中国人,但也是香港人”。调查发现,有42%的受访者选择自己是“香港人,但也是中国人”,较两年前进行同样调查时的44%的数据稍降。其次有23%的受访者选择纯粹“香港人”身份,是自2008年以来的新高。另外22%的受访者称自己是“中国人,但也是香港人”;觉得自己纯粹是“中国人”的受访者只有12%,是97回归以来的新低点。此次调查又特别将受访者分成两批,一批为30岁或以下的“80后”,另一批则是“非80后”,结果发现“80后”对“中国人身份”不太认同,选择是“中国人”的只有2.4%,但非“80后”的比例却有15.9%。

[...]

The findings triggered controversy in Hong Kong’s public opinion. Hong Kong SAR’s Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference member Lew Mon-hung [Liu Mengxiong] said this was related to the SAR government only caring about peoples-livelihood issues and not doing everything to refute “Hong Kong independence” talk. He believes that recently, many determined people repeatedly waved “Union-Jack” flags and seized the opportunity of hyping “Hong Kong independence” thoughts, and the SAR government hadn’t refuted them. This could only lead to further political difficulties. Xu Huajie, Hong Kong United Youth Association advisor and China Im- and Export Chamber of Commerce deputy director, said that if Hong Kong’s young people resisted the hinterland for political reasons, they would lose many opportunities to develop in their working lives. But Basic Law Committee member Liu Naiqiang describes public opinion “as a cloud”, and believfes that it is difficult to rely only on the polls to assess trends in public opinion. Hong Kong University of Science and Technology economic faculty director Francis Lui [雷鼎鸣] says that this survey by the Chinese University “has problems”, because they offered no “Hong Konger, but no Chinese” choice. This would have been necessary to really measure Hong Kongers’ “national identy” identification.

调查结果引发香港舆论的争议。香港特区全国政协委员刘梦熊表示,港人有如此意识,相信与特区政府只顾民生政策,没有全力驳斥“港独”言论有关。他认为,近期不少有心人士多次高举代表港英时期的“米字旗”,乘机炒作“港独”思潮,但特区政府未予以驳斥,这只会令施政进一步困难。兼任香港青联顾问的中华进出口商会副主席许华杰说,若香港青年因政治理由而抗拒内地,将失去很多工作发展机会。但《基本法》委员会委员刘乃强形容“民意如浮云”,他认为很难单靠民调去评估民意趋势。香港科技大学经济学系主任雷鼎鸣表示,此次中大的调查“有问题”,因为他们没有设一个“是香港人,但不是中国人”的选项供受访者选择,只有新增这个选项才能直接测试到港人对“国民身份”认同感的最终态度是什么。

Anthony Y. H. Fung, in charge of the survey, told “Huanqiu Shibao” that there was no contradiction between “Hong Kong identity” and “Chinese identity”. Although the survey had shown the “Hong Kong identity” ever more clearly, it also showed that during the past ten years, Hong Kongers’ feelings of pride for national symbols like the national flag, the national anthem, or the PLA had also risen. From only 30.6 percent of Hong Kongers feeling proud of the national flag in 1996, their share was now 37.6 percent, and while only ten percent felt good about the PLA in 1996, their share was now 21.5 percent.

负责此次调查的香港中文大学新闻与传播学院院长冯应谦12日接受《环球时报》记者采访时澄清说,香港人对“港人身份认同”与“国民身份认同”并不存在矛盾,虽然调查显示香港人的“港人身份认同”越来越明显,但调查同时也显示,过去十多年来香港人对国旗、国歌或解放军等国家象征自豪感上升,比如,在1996年,只有30.6%的受访者对国旗有自豪感,今年的调查则有37.6%;另外,在1996年,只有10%的受访者对解放军有好感,但今年已增至21.5%。

Fung believes that the stronger “Hong Kong identitification” had grown because of discussions in recent years, having everyone considering their identity issues. As for the “post-1980s” leaning towards “Hong Kong identity”, this was because of the Hong Kong government’s promotion of [unsafe translation: lessons in line with hinterland lessons, encouraging independent thinking, and the young generation wanting to participate in public matters and deliberations about identity issues]. He said: “if the survey was carried out during the Olympics or during National Day, I believe Hong Kongers’ identification with the nation would be stronger”.

冯应谦认为,香港人对“港人身份认同”增强,只因近年相关讨论多了,让大家思考自己的身份问题。至于“80后”较倾向认同“香港人的身份”,是因为近年香港教育推行通识课(相当于内地的社会课),鼓励独立思考,令年轻一代较愿意参与社会事务及思考身份的问题。他说,“如果调查是在奥运或者国庆期间进行,我相信港人的国民身份认同比例会大大增加。”

As for the talk about “Hong Kong independence”, Fung said that the share of respondents who said they were “Hong Kongers, but also Chinese” showed that support for “Hong Kong independence” was very small. In fact, almost sixty percent of respondents had said that they travelled to mainland China every two months or even more frequently, which reflected that Hong Kongers believed that contact with the hinterland had become an unstoppable trend.

对于近日香港出现“港独”争论,冯应谦表示,调查结果显示,受访港人大多数选择“香港人、但也是中国人”一项,可见支持“港独”只是很少数。事实上,近六成受访者表示“两个月一次或更多地”往返大陆,这反映大部分香港人都认为,与内地接触已是不可阻挡的潮流。

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Related

» Patriotic Classes only Optional, BBC, Sep 8, 2012
» A Sense of Affection, July 30, 2012
» If you can’t govern a village, Dec 16, 2011

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Saturday, October 6, 2012

The Ministry of Agriculture accounts to the People

Xinhua, via Enorth (Tianjin), October 6, 2012

The Ministry of Agriculture said on Saturday that during the Mid-Autumn festival, Chinese fishery patrol vessels continue to protect the fishing rights at the Diaoyu Islands at the frontline. Since the opening of the fishing season in September in the East China Sea, the fishery patrol troops have patroled this part of the sea area for the second time.

农业部6日发布的消息称,中秋国庆期间,中国渔政船编队仍然坚守在钓鱼岛护渔维权第一线。这是自9月份东海“开渔”以来,中国渔政船编队第二次开赴这片海域护渔巡航。

As the Mid-Autumn festival has just passed, and this year’s 17th typhoon “Jelawat” has weakened, fishing crews from Fujian and Zhejiang have, in accordance with their historical customs, continued their work in their traditional fishing grounds. In order to protect the fishing crews’ lives and property, the order of their operations on the seas, and to strengthen the management of fishing resources, our fishery patrol vessels, braving the tide and sky, carried out their routine patrol responsibilities, and in accordance with the law, carried out their sacred duty of protecting the fishing rights.

中秋节刚过,今年第17号台风“杰拉华”影响减弱后,福建、浙江等省渔民按历史习惯继续到钓鱼岛海域我传统渔场生产作业。为切实保障渔民生命财产安全、维护海上作业秩序、加强渔业资源管理,我渔政船编队冒风顶浪前往钓鱼岛海域,执行常态化护渔巡航任务,依法履行护渔维权的神圣职责。

Five vessels with crew experienced in law enforcement and protection of fishing rights carried this operation out. They forwent the opportunity of staying with their families, without complaints or regrets, they protected the Diaoyu Islands waters, and maintained and controlled the order of fishing operations in these traditional fishing grounds. The formation of vessels, braving the tide and sky, successfully visited three Zhejiang fishing vessels, guided safe processing operations, and also observed many fishing vessels’ operations situation, to actively help vessels in trouble. The fishing crews expressed their welcome and thanks for the patrol crews who overcame adverse weather conditions, complicated maritime conditions and sudden difficulties to maintain the rights of the fishing crews and to provide service. The fishing crews also hoped that the state would continue to intensify its efforts to protect them, to help them to be more at ease during their work at their traditional fishing grounds.

执行这次巡航护渔任务的是5艘具有多年巡航护渔执法管理经验的渔政船及其渔政人员。他们放弃与家人团聚的机会,无怨无悔地坚守在钓鱼岛海域,依法检查和指导我传统渔场内渔船进行正常有序的生产作业。渔政编队先后在250、261等渔区巡航,克服海上风大浪急的困难,成功放艇对3艘浙江籍渔船进行了登临检查,指导其安全生产,同时观察了多艘渔船的作业情况,为有困难渔船积极提供帮助。作业渔民对渔政编队在巡航过程中克服恶劣天气、复杂海况和突发故障等困难坚持为渔民护渔和提供服务的行为表示欢迎和感谢,同时也希望国家能继续加大护渔力度,使渔民能在自己的传统渔场更加安心地生产作业。

The Chinese fishery administration began the normalization [in the sense of regular operations] of patrols at the Diaoyu Islands and adjacent waters in 2010, all the administration’s employees fulfilled their mission, let nobody down, fulfilled their duties, protected the country’s sovereignty and naval rights, and protected the lives and property of numerous fishing crews.

中国渔政自2010年开始,将钓鱼岛及其附属岛屿附近海域的护渔巡航纳入常态化,全体渔政人员不辱使命、不负众望,恪尽职守,维护了国家主权和海洋权益,保护了广大渔民的生命财产安全。

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Related

» Senkaku

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Thursday, September 20, 2012

A Chinese Right since Ancient Times

It’s frequently been argued that the Senkaku Islands shitstorm – or the Chinese side of it – is a distraction from CCP power transition hiccups. I have my reservations about that, but I do believe that the current “patriotic enthusiasm” in which Chinese people have rights,  are a distraction from much bigger issues – issues about “small people”. Big, because there are many “small people”.

The really big issue is that inside China – not out there in the seven seas where the barbarian man-eaters are ambuscading you – basically anyone has the “right” to break a “smaller” compatriot’s neck. (Of course, the perpetrator needs to be Chinese to exercise that right which has been Chinese since ancient times.)

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Related

» The World’s most Useless Husband, Nov 11, 2011

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Thursday, September 20, 2012

People’s Daily Online on Economic Sanctions against Japan: “Don’t Hurt the Friends, don’t Please the Enemy”

The following is a translation of an article published by People’s Daily Online (人民网) on September 18, 2012.

Links within blockquotes were added during translation.

The article focuses on two levels of sanctions: government-level (with a very cautious attitude) and “non-governmental boycotts” (with an “understanding” attitude).  In terms of business, the article addresses losses that China would incur in terms of technological progress if it took comprehensive “countermeasures” against Japan. Further down, the article suggests that rare-earth sanctions against Japan had basically backfired, in or since 2010.

Rather than expressing an editorial stance of its own, the article quotes a number of academics. The subtitles within the following translation are not part of the original article.

Main Link: 打经济战 中国承受力定比日本强? – People’s Daily Online, September 18, 2012
-

Economic Sanctions: Not while Japan maintains its Technological Edge

[...] Vice Minister of Commerce Jiang Zengwei said recently that the so-called “islands purchase” by Japan (Diaoyu Islands) made it hard to avoid negative impacts on Sino-Japanese trade relations.

因日本对中国固有领土钓鱼岛进行所谓“国有化”,中日关系再度降温,由此引发的寒潮在经贸领域已经有首当其冲的显现。商务部副部长姜增伟日前表示,日方的所谓“购岛”(钓鱼岛)行为,难以避免地会对中日经贸关系产生负面影响。

In Chinese public opinion, voices sympathetic to terrorizing Japan by economic sanctions have emerged, which say with certainty that Japan’s economy was more dependent on China than vice versa. Even if economic and trade confrontation had the killing power of weapons on both sides, China’s ability to bear that was far stronger than Japan’s. However, to “play the economic card needed to be done  cautiously, and the two countries’ abilities to bear this be judged by seeking the truth in the facts, and this issue be dealt with rationally and objectively”. Recently, a scholar with a good knowledge of Sino-Japanese economic and trade issues talked with this People’s Daily Online reporter.

中国舆论中已出现用经济制裁威慑日本的声音,并言之凿凿:日本经济对中国经济的依存度高于中国对日本。虽然中日经贸对峙对双方都有杀伤力,但中国承受能力远高于日本。然而,“打经济牌必须慎重,要实事求是地评估两国的承受力,理性客观地对待这个问题。”近日,谙熟中日经贸事务的学者如是告诉人民网记者。

Japan’s economy entered a long-term depression in the 1980s, with exports as the main driving force in economic development. Although European and American markets were the main factors in influencing Japan’s economy, China’s influence was no insignificant factor either.

自上世纪80年代中期始,日本经济陷入长期萧条,出口是其经济发展的最主要动力。虽然欧美市场是影响日本经济的最主要因素,但是对日本经济而言,中国因素早已不可忽视。

China is currently Japan’s biggest trading partner and its biggest export market. According to Japan’s Ministry of Finance statistics, Japan’s trade with and its exports to China stand at 19.7 percent and 20.6 percent respectively, in its total amount of foreign trade. After the European Union, America, and ASEAN, Japan is China’s fourth-largest trading partner.

中国是目前日本最大的贸易伙伴和最大出口对象国。据日本财务省统计,2011年日本对华贸易和对华出口将分别占日本外贸总额和出口总额的19.7%和20.6%。而日本在欧盟、美国、东盟之后,是中国的第四大贸易伙伴。

Analysts have pointed out that Japan’s economy is more dependent on China than vice versa. Even if economic and trade confrontation had the killing power of weapons on both sides, China’s ability to bear that was far stronger than Japan’s. Once China started economic and trade sanctions against Japan, this could lead to a Japanese economic crisis.

有分析人士指出,日本经济对中国经济的依存度高于中国对日本。虽然中日经贸对峙对双方都有杀伤力,但中国承受能力远高于日本。一旦中方启动经济制裁,可能引发日本经济危机。

Feng Zhaokui, a researcher with the National Japanese Economic Research Institute, told this People’s Daily Online reporter that taking economic countermeasures against Japan’s economy could have a greater than on China in theory. “However, the so-called ability to bear” is no mere matter of numbers.

而全国日本经济学会研究员冯昭奎则告诉人民网记者,对日本采取经济上的反制措施,理论上日本受到的影响大于中国。“但是所谓的‘承受能力’却不是光用数字就能够衡量的。

Feng Zhaokui says that since 2002, in Sino-Japanese trade, China has always recorded a trade deficit, mainly because much of the trade was in the field of production. The levels of bilateral import and export differed, and the weight of technological content differed. In the industry chain, Japan stood at the high end, and China mainly imported key core technological components from Japan, with high technological content, much added value, and if these imports were affected, the industrial chain would see disrupture, which would damage China’s production. Even as Sino-Japanese trade was gradually transforming from a vertical division of labor to a horizontal pattern, Japan generally was the side with goods of high technological content, high added value and maintained an edge there.

冯昭奎说,自2002年以来,在中日贸易中,中方一直处于逆差状态,主要原因在于中日之间在生产领域内的贸易所占比重较大。中日双方的进出口产品层次不同,技术含量不同。日本处于产业链的高端,中国从日本主要进口关键的核心零部件,技术含量高、附加值高,如果进口受影响,产业链将面临断裂,对中国将产生损害。尽管中日之间的贸易结构正在逐步从垂直分工向水平分工方向转化,但总体来看,日本在技术含量高、附加值高的产品方面仍占优势。

According to surveys, Japanese foreign direct investment (FDI) in China in 2011 was at 6.35 billion US dollars, an increase of 49.7 percent compared with the previous year. This was abut 40 percentage points more than the increase in what China attracted in overall FDI (9.72 percent). Japanese investment in China supported Japan’s economic recovery and growth; it also contributed to China’s economic development. Hasty economic sanctions against Japan could lead to Japanese companies withdrawal from China.

调查显示,2011年日本对华直接投资实际到位资金63.48亿美元,同比增速高达49.7%,而中国实际吸引外资增幅为9.72%,与此相比整整高出近40个百分点。日本对华投资有力地支持了日本经济的复苏和增长,也对中国经济的发展做出了贡献。如果轻率地对日本使用经济制裁,可能会导致在华日企撤离中国。

“China’s economic growth this year is voluntarily restricted to eight percent, which is to say that we are approaching the lower limit”, says Feng, as China adds twenty million new workforce annually. Our country has entered a period of accelerated promotion of economic transformation, it faces growing pressures from the global economy which complicate the external environment, with growing uncertain factors such as if the economy can maintain needed growth, and the job market may suffer blows. “Therefore, the economic card must be played cautiously, and the two countries’ ability to bear this be judged by seeking the truth in the facts, and this issue be dealt with rationally and objectively”.

“今年中国的经济增长率将自行控制在8%,对我们来说,是接近下线的。”冯昭奎说,而中国每年新增劳动力一两千万。我国已经进入加快推进经济转型的关键时期,面临着世界经济下行压力增大的复杂外部环境,不确定因素增强,如果经济不能保持适当的增速,就业市场就会受到冲击。“所以,打经济牌必须慎重,要实事求是地评估两国的承受力,理性客观地对待这个问题。”

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The Rare-Earths Card

Among the economic-sanction measures discussed recently, limiting exports of rare earths to Japan has been most frequent. Many people say that when it comes to rare-earths resources, Japan will continue to depend heavily on China in the near future, and therefore, China should play the “rare-earth card”.

在近日经济制裁日本的诸多措施中,限制对日稀土出口是讨论得最多的。不少人士表示,日本在稀土资源近期仍将倚重中国,因此中国可打出“稀土牌”。

According to the Nihon Kezai Shimbun, Japan’s imports of rare earths frm China have fallen by 3007 tons during the first six months of 2012, i. e. 49.3 percent of Japan’s total imports. These imports were reduced by fifty percent within half a year. Before 2009, 90 percent of Japan’s rare-earths imports came from China.

而据《日本经济新闻》报道,2012年1到6月份,日本从中国进口的稀土资源下降到3007吨,仅占全部输入总量的49.3%,半年内减少了50%。而在2009年之前,日本的稀土资源9成以上都需依靠中国进口。

China got a lesson, in terms of economic sanctions”, Feng believes. In 2010, Japan had illegally detained the captain of a Chinese trawler. Although China hadn’t openly acknowledged the use of economic sanctions, practically, China temporarily halted rare-earths exports and created temporary difficulties for Japan at the time. “But in fact, Japan mainly cried out, and had already got prepared. Their inventories were ample.

“在经济制裁方面,中国是有教训的。”冯昭奎认为,2010年,日本非法扣押中国渔船船长。中国虽然没有公开承认使用了经济制裁,但事实上中国暂停了对日稀土出口,当时给日本造成一时困难。“但其实困难主要是日本叫唤出来的,他们早就有备无患,存货很多。”

China holds only one-third of the global rare-earth reserves, but currently supplies some 90 percent of the worldwide quantity. “There are countries rich in rare earths, too, and their technological ability to produce them has increased” Feng Zhaokui says. After China had restricted imports of rare earths in 2010, Japan resumed research of resources policies, and especially decided that it couldn’t depend on only one country for rare minerals and rare metals. These days, Australia, Malaysia and other countries rare-earth projects are developing very smoothly.

中国的稀土储量只占世界的三分之一,却承担了目前国际市场上90%的供应量。“国外也有稀土资源丰富的国家,而且有技术,这两年里他们把稀土生产搞上来了。”冯昭奎说,2010年中国限制稀土出口后,日本就重新研究了资源政策,尤其决定稀土及稀有金属不能只依赖一个国家。如今澳大利亚、马来西亚等地的稀土项目,进展得都很顺利。

“As far as our talk about having a monopoly position on rare earths, other countries have caught up, and we haven’t increased our technological content, and we haven’t upgraded the industrial change. Our competitiveness in the field of rare earths has been greatly affected.”

“而我们总说在稀土产量上有垄断地位,但是现在其他国家赶上来了,我们却没有提高技术含量,升级产业链,在稀土产业竞争力方面大受影响。”

Feng believes that rare earths won’t restrain Japan anymore, and that they are no longer a card that could be played. If one wanted to impose economic sanctions, one had to take the rare-earths lessons into account.

冯昭奎认为,稀土已经制约不了日本,不再是一张牌。如果要采取经济制裁措施,一定要吸取稀土教训。

In the wake of the heightened temperatures from the Diaoyu Islands’ issue, another popular surge in “boycotting Japanese goods” and even a low in travels to Japan are inevitable. Information from all travel agencies say that since September, the number of group travels to Japan had gone down drastically, and some travel agencies have stopped Japan travel services altogether. Numbers released by the Chinese automotive industry on September 10 show that compared with last year’s same period, August sales of Japanese cars had dropped by two percent. From August, Japanese goods such as household appliances had also gone down in China.

在钓鱼岛事件升温之际,“抵制日货”的浪潮不可避免地在民众中再次掀起,连带着赴日旅游也遭遇低谷。来自各大旅行社的消息称,进入9月份以来,赴日旅游成团数量急剧减少,有的旅行社则干脆停止赴日旅游业务。中国汽车工业协会9月10日公布数据显示,与上年同期比较,8月日系车销量下降2%。而8月份以来,日系品牌家电在中国销售额也整体大跌。

Vice Minister of Commerce Jiang Zengwei said on a press conference that given Japanese violations of Chinese territory, Chinese consumers had a right to express their position in reasonable manners, and that we should express understanding for that.

商务部副部长姜增伟近日在记者会上表示,针对日方侵犯中国领土主权的行为,中国消费者以理性的方式表达其立场和他们的一些想法,是他们的权利,我们对此应该表示理解。

“Reach for the wine when friends arrive, and reach for the gun when enemies arrive”, China Academy of Social Science Japan Institute director Gao Hong told People’s Daily Online reporter in an interview. The Chinese people have shown patriotic enthusiasm, and spontaneous boycotts of Japanese goods was a right which gave no cause for criticism. “However, we need to distinguish between the non-governmental and the governmental level when it comes to the economic card. At the government level, more economic policies need to be adjusted to each other.”

“朋友来了有好酒,敌人来了有猎枪,”中国社科院日本所副所长高洪在接受人民网记者采访时也如是说,中国人民出于爱国热情,自发地抵制日本产品,是自己的权利,无可厚非。“但是经济牌要有区分,政府层面和民间层面的牌是不一样的,政府层面更多的是进行经济政策的调整。”

Liu Gang, professor at the Okinawa University, pointed out in a number of media that to sanction a country, other countries’ support was frequently required. To mobilize international sanctions against Japan, these needed to be adopted by the United Nations. That’s how so-called sanctions would be legitimate. If one country high-handedly reached for the big stick of economic sanctions, this didn’t only deviate from WTO principles, but also give rise to gossip and a series of other side effects.

日本冲绳大学教授刘刚在此前的媒体评论中分析指出,制裁一个国家,通常应该有其他国家的支持。如若真要动用国际力量制裁日本,有必要提请联合国通过。这样,所谓的制裁行动才具有正当性。如果一国妄自舞起经济制裁大棒,不仅容易偏离WTO原则,更易授人口实,引起一连串的副作用。

“As for economic sanctions, I believe that generally-speaking, it isn’t China’s position that they should be a tool in handling international relations”, Qu Xing, director of the China Institute of International Studies, clearly points out.

“对于经济制裁,我觉得中国一般地讲,不主张把制裁作为处理国际关系的一个手段。”中国国际问题研究所所长曲星明确地指出。

Gao Hong also told the People’s Daily Online reporter that as far as countermeasures were concerned, these were meant to subdue the other side. Countermeasures needed to correspond with the other side’s provocation. If Japan didn’t continuously act provocatively on the economic level, countermeasures on a governmental level could usually not be carried out. After Japan’s so-called “nationalization” [of three of the Senkaku islands - JR], China had announced its points about the Diaoyu territorial seas, institutionalized the dispatch of naval patrol boats, and submitted material and cartography to the United Nations, etc.. These “combined punches” had already hit Japan where it was vulnerable.

高洪也告诉人民网记者,就反制来讲,反制是针对对方进攻所采取的反击制服的斗争手段。反制和挑衅的层次和力度相当。如果日本在经济上没有进一步的挑衅行为,政府层面的经济反制一般不会进行。在日本对钓鱼岛进行所谓“国有化”后,中方随即公布钓鱼岛领海基线基点,派海监船对钓鱼岛实施常态化监测,以及向联合国提交钓鱼岛坐标表和海图等,这一套“组合拳”已经击中日本的要害。

Liu Gang believes that Japan’s established policy of swallowing the Diaoyu Islands is an international problem, and China didn’t need to oblique references to that. The best approach would be tit-for-tat, to confine oneself to the facts, to make representations when needed, and to let strength and actions speak – to learn from Russia meant to use strength as a backup, with less talk and more action.

刘刚认为,吞下钓鱼岛已经是日本的既定方针和国是问题,对此问题,中国没必要再旁敲侧击,又何必冀望于“歪打”迂回,反而最好针锋相对,就事论事,该怎么交涉就怎么交涉,让实力和行动说话。学习俄罗斯,以实力做后盾,少说多做。

The Diaoyu issue is inherited from history, as many experts say. The struggle for the Diaoyu Islands is a long-term one and can’t be done overnight. This is only the first round of the struggle, and the struggle needed long-term preparation. China’s departments in charge also state clearly that they reserve the right to all kinds of action. Since a long-term struggle was needed, strategies needed to be made, orders [of approaches], and sequences of goals. Nothing should be done on the spur of sentiments, and not in a way that would “hurt friends and please the enemies”.

正如近期不少专家学者所说,钓鱼岛问题是历史遗留问题。关于钓鱼岛的斗争是长期的,不能一蹴而就。现在只是斗争的第一回合,要做斗争的长期准备。中国相关部门也明确表示,保留一切行动的权利。既然要做长期斗争,就要讲策略、讲次序、讲阶段性目的,不能意气用事,做令“亲者痛、仇者快”之事。

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Related

» Making Patriotism Useful, Sep 17, 2012
» The Nine-Dotted Line, Foarp, Sep 30, 2011
» Collision with Sth Korean Coast Guard, Dec 18, 2010
» A Nefarious Turn, Sep 25, 2010

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