Posts tagged ‘民生’

Wednesday, June 25, 2014

Blog and Press Review: Budget work reports, Staying Ahead of the Enemy


1. NPC Standing Commission hears Budget and Final Accounts

Xinwen Lianbo, June 24, 2014

NPC standing committee plenary session – click picture for youtube video

In his capacity as China’s top legislator (and CCP Politburo Standing Commission memberZhang Dejiang (张德江) was present at the second plenary meeting of the 12th National People’s Congress’ Standing Committee’s 9th session, reviewing the final accounts of the 2013 budget. CCTV‘s main evening news, Xinwen Lianbo:

The second plenary meeting of the 12th National People’s Congress’ Standing Committee’s 9th session was held in Beijing at the Great Hall of the People, in the afternoon of June 24. Committee chairman Zhang Dejiang attended.


Vice committee chairman Ji Bingxuan chaired the meeting. 162 Standing Committee members were attending, and the quorum as stipulated by law was therefore met.


On behalf of the State Council, finance minister Lou Jiwei delivered a report concerning the 2013 central final accounts. In 2013, the central government had overall revenues of 6.02 trillion yuan RMB, achieving 100.2 per cent of the budgeted amount, and an increase of 7.2 per cent over the 2012 budget. Central government expenditure was at 6.85 trillion yuan RMB, or 98.5 per cent of the budgeted amount, an increase of 6.8 per cent. In general terms, the implementation of the central budget had been good, but with some problems. The next steps will emphasize the strong advance of the fiscal and taxation system, close attention to fiscal and tax policies, measures, and implementation, tangible strengthening of local government debt management, and great efforts to consolidate financial and economic order etc..

受国务院委托, 财政部部长楼继伟作了关于2013年中央决算的报告。2013年,中央公共财政收入60198.48亿元,完成预算的100.2%,比2012年增长 7.2%。中央公共财政支出68491.68亿元,完成预算的98.5%,增长6.8%。总的看,中央财政预算执行情况良好,但也存在一些问题。下一步将 重点做好扎实推进财税体制改革,狠抓各项财税政策措施落实,切实加强地方政府性债务管理,大力整饬财经秩序等工作。

On behalf of the State Council, National Audit Office general auditor Liu Jiayi reported the 2013 central budget implementation and other revenue and expenditure audits. After reporting, item by item, central budget revenue and expenditure and final accounts drafts, central financial management, the budget implementation and final accounts at the central government authorities, government debt, key people’s-livelihood projects and mineral resources, state-owned financial institutions, state-owned enterprises and other audits as well as major clues of illegality, he made the following suggestions for the next steps in work improvement: strict financial discipline, tangible administrative achievements in accordance with the law, financial management in accordance with the law, accelerating the transformation of government functions and streamlining administration and delegating powers to the lower levels, deepening the promotion of fiscal and taxation system reform, making efficient use of assets, optimizing structures, and increasing the use efficiency of financial funds.

受国务院委托,审计署审计长刘家义报告了2013年度中央预算执行和其他 财政收支的审计情况。在逐项报告了中央财政预算收支执行及决算草案、中央财政管理、中央部门预算执行和决算草案、政府性债务、重点民生工程及矿产资源、国 有金融机构、国有企业等审计情况及查出的重大违法违规案件线索情况后,报告提出下一步改进工作的意见:严肃财经纪律,切实做到依法行政、依法理财;加快转 变政府职能和简政放权,深入推进财税体制改革;盘活存量、优化结构,提高财政资金使用效益。

The meeting heard National People’s Congress Financial and Economic Affairs Committee deputy chairman Liao Xiaojun’s report on the 2013 central final accounts review. The committee believes that the 2013 central final accounts draft reflects the good implementation of the central budget, and recommended the approval of the draft. As for the problems [the draft] also reflected, the committee suggested to accelerate the promotion of budget system reform, further standardization of budget and final accounts management, the building of a comprehensive governmental debt management system, and the strengthening of auditing and supervision.

会 议听取了全国人大财政经济委员会副主任委员廖晓军作的关于2013年中央决算审查结果的报告。财经委认为,2013年中央决算草案反映了中央预算执行情况 是好的,建议批准该草案。针对反映出的问题,财经委建议加快推进预算制度改革,进一步规范预决算管理,健全政府性债务管理制度,加强审计监督。

On behalf of the State Council, People’s Bank of China deputy governor Liu Shiyu delivered a work report concerning the strengthening of supervising and averting financial crisis. He said that in recent years, in the face of the complications and changes in the international economic situation, downward pressures in the domestic economy had become stronger, the financial crisis had led to accumulated risks, the State Council had issued a number of policies and measures conducive to averting and defusing financial crisis, safeguarding financial stability, and conducive to economic restructuring  and transformation of development methods. [The State Council] had firmly kept to the bottomline of not allowing systemic or regional financial crises. The strengthening and improvement of financial supervision and management and prudent macro-management, the continuous comprehensive promotion of macro-economic stability and a modern financial system that supports substantial economic development.

受国务院委托,中国人民银行副行长刘士余作了关于加强金融监管防范 金融风险工作情况的报告。他说,近年来,针对国际经济形势复杂多变、国内经济下行压力加大、金融风险有所积聚的情况,国务院出台了一系列既有利于防范化解 金融风险、维护金融稳定,又有利于促进经济结构调整和发展方式转变的政策举措,牢牢守住了不发生系统性区域性金融风险的底线。今后,将进一步加强和改善金 融监管和宏观审慎管理,不断健全促进宏观经济稳定、支持实体经济发展的现代金融体系。

Besides playing democracy on Tuesday afternoon, Zhang Dejiang also met the speaker of an elected parliament, Pandikar Amin Mulia from Malaysia.



Fiscal target, Shanghai Daily, June 24, 2014
CRI, somewhere in the Budget, June 1, 2012
CRI, a pit of waste, K. Perron, ca. 2012



2. Staying ahead of the Enemy (in Xinjiang)

Shanghai Daily, on Tuesday, quoted State Internet Information Office (SIIO) spokesman Jiang Jun as telling a press conference that terrorist forces have “turned the Internet into a principal tool for their operations.”

[...] China launched a campaign on Friday to rid the Internet of audio and video materials that promote terrorism and violence. The move is aimed at safeguarding social stability in northwest China’s Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region and long-term peace, according to the SIIO.

Meantime, authorities on the ground in Xinjiang are victorious, People’s Daily reported on Monday. 96 per cent of “terrorist gangs” had been detected during planning stage (or in their embrionyic stage, 在萌芽状态) and been wiped out (or knocked out, 打掉), “Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region” Public Security Bureau deputy director Wang Qianrong (王谦榕) reportedly told a press conference. High-pressure policing (打高压态势), attacks at first opportunity (主动进攻) and staying ahead of the enemy (先发制敌) had been instrumental in normalizing the situation.



32nd Ethnic-Unity Education Month, May 3, 2014
Keep calm and carry on, Feb 23, 2014



3. Staying ahead of the Enemy (in Mainland and Hong Kong)

Despite what organisers called the biggest cyber attack in Hong Kong’s history, hundreds of thousands of people have been able to voice their opinion in an unofficial pro-democracy referendum that started on Friday, the BBC‘s Juliana Liu wrote in the broadcaster’s China blog on Monday. Some 689,000 ballots had been cast on June 23, by 14:00 GMT. It probably helped that 15 polling stations provided opportunities to cast one’s vote in person.

They had a choice between three candidates for the office of Hong Kong Chief Executive.  Occupy Central is the major force between these – unofficial – elections.

The Economist, obviously sympathetic to the elections, warns that in China’s most prosperous city, both sides have a lot to lose and should be looking for a way to climb down. Beijing shouldn’t alienate Hong Kongers who, in a free election, … would have probably chosen a pro-China candidate anyway, but many of whom moved towards the radicals’ camp after a senior mainland fgure talked about dealing with disorder by sending in the Chinese army.

Also on Monday, with the number of votes at 700,000 by then, Foarp notes that to put pressure on a free society [is] liable to back-fire by driving people to the other side. That said, Occupy Central could have made more of the opportunty afforded to them by Beijing’s intransigence. By giving the voters a choice between the central-government proposed system and their democratic cause, the voters’ message could have been made so much clearer.

An unfriendly interpretaton would be that maybe neither Beijing nor Occupy Central want to leave anything to chances. A friendlier one would be that Occupy simply wanted to demonstrate democratic practice. The turnout, anyway, was remarkable – too remarkable to be officially noted in China. The searchword combination 622 Referendum was censored on Sina Weibo as the Occupy referendum approached, Fei Chang Dao noted on Sunday.



White Paper on HK in full (English)
White Paper on HK in full (Chinese)


Monday, May 20, 2013

The Weeks before June 4: Deng Xiaoping’s remarks and the April-26 Editorial

« Previous translation/rendition: Struggling for the Ideological Switch Stands

For all previous instalments, see this table.

Most or all of the party-insider information used by Wu Renhua seems to be based on “Li Peng’s diary”. There seems to be wide-spread agreement that the diary – becoming known in 2010 – was authentic. However, even if it is, one needs to ask if Li’s own account of the run-up to the massacre of June 3/4 1989 is accurate. Probably, these are questions only the party archives could answer – JR

Tuesday, April 25, 1989

Main Link: 1989 年 4 月 24 日 星期日

About 60,000 students at 43 colleges and universities in Beijing continue the strike on lessons. (On April 24, 38 colleges and universities were involved.) At some colleges and universities, wall papers promoting the students’ movement continue to emerge.

At 3 p.m., the Beijing University Preparatory Committee publishes a notice: eight out of the university’s 27 faculties have set up branch committees, and the preparatory committee has conducted re-elections, with Kong Qingdong (孔庆东), Wang Chiying (王池英), Feng Congde (封从德), Wang Dan (王丹), and Shen Tong (沈彤) as new members. “The new preparatory committee will have decision-making authority, and temporarily take the lead of the students union.”

The Beijing University students union has established contact with more than 32 other colleges and universities in Beijing. Chairman Zhou Yongjun says that three demands have been issued to the government:

  • official dialog with the state council, based on delegations (or representation)
  • a public apology for the Xinhua Gate incident and punishment for the perpetrators
  • truthful domestic media coverage about the students movement.

At nine in the morning, at his home, Deng Xiaoping listens to Li Peng’s, Yang Shangkun’s, Qiao Shi’s, Hu Qili’s, Yao Yilin’s, Li Ximing’s, Chen Xitong’s and others’ reports. The meeting ends before 11 a.m.. After the meeting, Yang Shangkun stays with Deng for discussions.

Deng agrees with the politburo standing committee’s and the broader politbureau meetings’ decisions, and requires the central committee and the state council to establish two teams – one to focus on dealing with the unrest, and one to get hold of the routine work. Deng says that before, the talk had been about managing the economic environment, but now, there was a need to manage the political environment.

Deng believes the students movement isn’t a normal agitation (or strike), but a political unrest. Attention needs to be paid to avoiding bloodspills, but it will be hard to avoid it completely. In the end, it could be necessary to arrest a batch of people. The “People’s Daily”, in accordance with the spirit of what Deng said, writes in its editorial on April 261) that “we must oppose the unrest with a clear and distinct stand” (more literally: under a bright banner).

On Li Peng’s proposal, Zeng Jianhui (曾建徽) drafts the editorial, and after authorization by Hu Qili and Li Peng, it is decided that the editorial shall be aired this evening at 7 p.m., by Central People’s Broadcasting Station (CPBS) and on CCTV’s main newscast Xinwen Lianbo.

Delegations from all colleges and universities in Beijing discuss the prospects of the students movement at the Autonomous Federation’s meeting, held at the University of Political Science and Law, at 7 p.m.., and determining a draft for a national people’s program. At the time of the meeting, the April-26 editorial is aired, on which countermeasures are discussed. The editorial leads to a tense atmosphere, and one student leader says that the danger is understood, and that the work to defend the dormitories needs to be strengthened.

At about 18:45, some three- to four thousand students of the People’s University (Renmin University) arrive at the China Youth University for Political Sciences, at Beifang Jiaotong University, at the Academy of Nationalities  (i. e. national minorities, 中央民族学院 – frequently referred to as the Minzu University of China), and the Beijing Foreign Studies University (actually: foreign-languages university, formerly an academy, 北京外语学院, now 北京外国语大学) to support the strikes, and also to strongly oppose the April-26 editorial. 21:40, the protesters leave the China Youth University for Political Sciences, originally planning to go to Beijing Normal University, but they are intercepted by nearly 800 police. At 21:02, more two thousand students from the People’s (Renmin) University, the Minzu University of China, and other universities are protesting around the universities, oppose the April-26 editorial, saying that the editorial confuses right and wrong (颠倒是非) and that “action must continue”. Some students are shouting a slogan: “Oppose repressions against the student movement”.

At 23:00, the Capital Autonomous Federation of University Students (北高联) issues a notice: “On April 27, the entire city will demonstrate unitedly and converge on Tian An Men Square”, to oppose the April-26 editorial.

At 23:00, the Beijing University (Students) Preparatory Committee (北大筹委会 / 北大学生筹委会) holds a press conference at the Beijing University No. 1 Teaching Building (北京大学第一教学楼), and Kong Qingdong, who is hosting the conference, announces that “the Beijing University Preparatory Committee is neither anti-party nor anti-constitutional; it is here to promote the progress of democracy [or democratization].” He also spells out three conditions for the students’ return to the classrooms:

  1. dialog with the government
  2. an accurate explanation of the 4-20 incident [see here, Wang Zhiyong] and
  3. a press law.

In a brief meeting at 15:00, Li Peng convenes a brief meeting of the standing committee of the politbureau and communicates Deng Xiaoping’s remarks. Yang Shangkun attends as a non-voting participant. The standing committee believes that Deng Xiaoping’s remarks are absolutely important and should be communicated to the lower ranks right away. It is decided that first, it shall be passed on  within the “system of the big three” (三大系统) – to the central committee, to the state council, and to all cadres above vice-ministerial level in the Beijing municipal government, including the transcript of Deng’s remarks today, and the standing committee’s records from the meeting in the evening on April 24.

Wen Jiabao’s instructions to the General Office of the CCP  to communicate the standing committee’s records from the meeting in the evening on April 24, and to promptly arrange Deng Xiaoping’s remarks, are the foundation of communications. Toward the evening, Wen gives Li Peng a phonecall asking for instructions if some sensitive issues in Deng Xiaoping’s remarks should be kept out of the communication at first. To reduce possible vulnerabilities and to get as many points to ralley the comrades around, Li Peng agrees.

The quantity of propaganda material explaining “the situation in Beijing” is growing. At Fudan University, Tongji University, Jiaotong University, and many other universities and colleges, wall newspapers, photos or leaflets emerge, mainly about “the real story of the 4-20 incident” and “the whole story about the 4-21 demonstrations” , and “100,000 students’ peaceful petition” etc..

The rate of students who show up for classes is diminuishing in Tianjin’s major universities, and about one third of students are on strike. There are calls for supporting the students in Beijing. Eighty-seven young teachers at Nankai University put up slogans: “Support the Students’ Strike!”

In the afternoon, the “Jilin Declaration” from Jilin University emerges, with the full wording: “The fate of our nation is the responsibility of everyone. Beijing University has arisen, so has Nankai University, all students are pleading in the name of the people – how can the people of Jilin University stand by and watch? Arise, people of Jilin University. Political corruption, maldistribution, economic chaos, outmoded education and the nation in peril, when will be the time!

Wall newspapers in some universities in Xi’an, Changsha and other places also refute the “People’s Daily” editorial, calling it “a pack of lies”, as the students’ actions were not a political struggle, but a demand for democracy. Some Xi’an students distribute mimeographed leaflets, calling for a demonstration on Xincheng Square on Sunday.

At the Central South University of Technology (中南工业大学) in Changsha, Hunan Province, the chairpeople of seven faculties who prepared a meeting at 21:00 to adopt measures and to support the students of Beijing to escalate the situation, are stopped by the university’s related departments.

The traffic regulations that had been in effect since the 4-22 riots at Xincheng Square, the center of the riots, were lifted at 00:00 today. Large numbers of armed police are leaving the square, but some police are guarding the entrances of the provincial government. The authorities have also ordered a batch of helmeted troops from the people’s Liberation Army 49 Army from their base, twenty kilometers outside Xi’an, into the square.

According to a “People’s Daily” report, 98 people were arrested in the riots of Changsha in the evening on April 22, among them 32 workers, peasants who work in Changsha as migrant workers, six six self-employed/small-business owners (getihu), 28 socially idle people2), six students (five of them middle school students and one of them a secondary specialized or technical school student).



1) In a partial chronology of 20th century China, Tian’anmen Square TV provides a translation of the April-26 editorial.
2) A stronger translation would be riff-raff.


To be continued

Monday, March 18, 2013

Xi Jinping’s Speech on Sunday: China Towering, but Development remains Overriding Ideology

Both an important speech (重要讲话) itself and the Chinese press coverage are part of the same decoration team, aiming at not only creating a verbal message, but an atmosphere, too. Newly elected state chairman Xi Jinping‘s speech on Sunday was no exception.

Today, our People’s Republic stands towering in the East of the world.


Comrade Hu Jintao held the post of state chairman for ten years, and with a wealth of political wisdom, excellent leadership qualities, assiduous work spirit, did outstanding deeds to uphold and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics, won the love and support from all the nationalities of China and the international community’s universal praise. We express our sincere gratitude and greatest respect to Comrade Hu Jintao!



Approving the predecessors: vote on last year’s government work report et al.
Click photo for CCTV coverage.

No need to repeat oneself. In Xinhua newsagency’s coverage, it is Xi Jinping himself who stands towering:

Wearing a dark-blue suit and a red tie, the membership hanging on his chest, Xi Jinping, tall of stature, stood smiling, calmly and self-confident. His voice clear, bright and vigorous, looking frank and honest, resolute and steadfast, he revealed the power of stirring people to action.


“To achieve the construction of a moderately prosperous society, and the goal of a strong and prosperous, democratic and civilized, harmonious socialist modern motherland, to achieve the Chinese dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, this means achieving modern national prosperity and strength, vigorous national revitalization, and the happiness of the people …”


Witnessed by the Great Hall of the People, under the stars of its dome, under surges of applause, Xi Jinping firmly said:


To bring about the Chinese dream, we must take the Chinese road.
To bring about the Chinese dream, we must advance the Chinese spirit.
To bring about the Chinese dream we must cohere Chinese power.




This is the duty the leaders of the People’s Republic of China take for the motherland, the people: we must never be complacent, we must never be sluggish, we must make persistent efforts, advance boldly, continue to push forward the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and continue to struggle for the achievement of the Chinese dream of China’s great rejuvenation.


This is our promise to the people: The Chinese dream is, after all, the dream of the Chinese people, it must firmly rely on the people to achieve it, it must continuously bring benefit for the people.


That much from the Xinhua report, and back to the actual speech:

development remains the overriding (or absolute) strategic ideology (我们要坚持发展是硬道理的战略思想), said Xi, thus quoting “Deng Xiaoping theory”, but added that the fruits from development should benefit the entire people in a fairer way – and that China was still in “the first stage of socialism”.1)

Taiwan didn’t escape a mention either2):

Numerous Taiwanese compatriots and mainland compatriots join hands and support, maintain and promote cross-strait relations and peaceful development, enhance the happiness and benefit of compatriots on both sides of the Taiwan Strait, jointly set up the new and further prospects of the Chinese nation. Numerous overseas Chinese want to make contributions to carry forward the Chinese nation’s the fine, diligent and kind Chinese tradition, and work diligently to advance the motherlands development, to promote the Chinese people’s and local people’s friendship.


The Chinese people love peace. We will hold the banner of peace, development, cooperation and win-win high, we won’t change our road of peaceful development, we won’t change the strategy of mutual benefit and opening up, we will make efforts to cooperate friendly with all the countries of the world, fulfill our international responsibilities and duties, continue to work with all people in all countries to advance the lofty cause of humankind’s peace and development.




1) 31 members of the 12th National People’s Congress (NPC) are farmers-turned migrant workers, China Radio International (CRI) reported on Sunday. That number was a tenfold increase from the 11th NPC. But they are hardly a match to the 90 NPC members who appear to be worth at least 1.8 billion Yuan (The Economist, March 16, 2013, page 53).
2) Stability in Hong Kong and Macau was an issue addressed by Xi, too. One day later, on March 18, Xi reminded visiting Hong Kong chief executive Leung Chun-ying that implementation was the key to the chief executive’s vision of “seeking change while maintaining stability” in Hong Kong.
“I’m not an idiot either”, replied Leung. (No, Leung said no such thing. This is just a malicious rumor, courtesy of JR.)



» Nods to Public Concerns, NY Times, March 14, 2013
» Delegates make Difference, March 6, 2009


Thursday, January 3, 2013

An Inspection Tour: Cross-Legged on the Kang

Latest (probable) directive from the propaganda department (in these or other words):

“Dampen great nationalist expectations, but strike a chord with them nevertheless. Dampen expectations among the masses at large. Display the care and awareness of the Central Committee for those stricken by hardship. Spread a message of hope and glory, but modest glory.”

Former foreign minister (and probably still a central-committee member) Li Zhaoxing showed that kind of concern in global terms, in an interview with the Guangzhou Daily. Around the same time, Xi Jinping demonstrated his awareness locally, on December 29 and 30, 2012.

Main Link: Xi Jinping visits People in Straited Circumstances in Fuping Country, Hebei Province
Links within blockquotes added during translation.

Eradicating poverty, improving the people’s livelihood and to achieve common prosperity was the innate character of socialism, Xi Jinping told people in Fuping, Hebei Province, during a visit last year.

[...] we will pay special attention to people in straitened circumstances, we will care especially for them, and we will do our best to help them to dispell their worries and to solve their problems.


From December 29 to December 30, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and Chairman of the Central Military Commission Xi Jinping visited and comforted people in straitened circumstances in Hebei Province’s Fuping County. This picture (Xinhua Newsagency) shows him visiting the poor Tang Rongbin’s family in Luotuowan Village, Longguan town.

12月29日至30日,中共中央总书记、中央军委主席习近平在河北省阜平县看望慰问困难群众。这是习近平在龙泉关镇骆驼湾村到困难群众唐荣斌家看望。 新华社发

From December 29 to December 30, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and Chairman of the Central Military Commission Xi Jinping visited and comforted people in straitened circumstances in Hebei Province’s Fuping County, inspecting the [local] work to help the poor. This picture (Xinhua Newsagency) shows Xi Jinping in Gujiatai Village’s retail department, inquiring about the rural village’s everyday supply situation.


After the picture section, the actual article:

Xinhua Newsagency, Shijiazhuang, December 30, 2012 — the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and Chairman of the Central Military Commission Xi Jinping went to Fuping Country, Hebei Province, to visit and comfort people in straitened circumstances, and to inspect the work of helping the poor and development support there. He pointed out that eradicating poverty, improving the people’s livelihood and to achieve common prosperity was the innate character of socialism. We will pay special attention to people in straitened circumstances, we will care especially for them, and we will do our best to help them to dispell their worries and to solve their problems, with the safety and well-being of the masses always on our heart, and we will send the party’s and the government’s warmth to the innumerable homes.

新华社石家庄12月30日电 中共中央总书记、中央军委主席习近平近日到河北省阜平县看望慰问困难群众,考察扶贫开发工作。他强调,消除贫困、改善民生、实现共同富裕,是社会主义的本 质要求。对困难群众,我们要格外关注、格外关爱、格外关心,千方百计帮助他们排忧解难,把群众的安危冷暖时刻放在心上,把党和政府的温暖送到千家万户。

On December 29, Xi Jinping, in the freezing conditions of more then minus ten degrees C., travelled more than 300 kilometers by car and then arrived in Fuping County, in the depths of the Taihang Mountains. Fuping is an old revolutionary base area, in the border area of what was then the location of the Jin Cha Ji government. Fuping County is a major national poverty country [sometimes also referred to as key counties for poverty reduction]. Xi Jinping was perfectly concerned about the area’s cadres and masses, coming there especially before New Year to visit them.


Xi and his entourage didn’t fail to make the point that unforgettable achievements had been made from the once-revolutionary base, plus pointing out the need to improve lives which remained comparatively difficult (生活还比较困难), and that with confidence, the yellow ground [i. e. the loess ground] would turn into gold (习近平强调,只要有信心,黄土变成金).

Xi Jinping [...] visited Tang Rongbin’s and Tang Zongxiu’s family, sat cross-legged on the kang with them hand in hand with the villagers, inquiring in detail about their incomes during the year, about food supplies, clothing and heating coal during the winter, the distances the children had to cover to attend school, and about conveniences and inconveniences when having to see a doctor.


One of the more concrete contents of Xi’s tour was the mention of the new rural cooperative health system (新型农村合作医疗制度).

Wang Huning, Li Zhanshu and central responsible comrades in charge accompanied [Xi] on the inspection tour.


To see Xi Jinping cross-legged on the kang, go to this story republished by the “Global Times”.



» How they cried, December 24, 2012


Monday, December 24, 2012

The Life of Xi Jinping: how they cried

Shenzhen Special Economic Zone Daily (深圳特区报) recently – possibly today – carried a long story about Xi Jinping – republished today by Enorth (Tianjin). The main ideological content of the article is nothing new – rather, it emphasizes continuity (and how Xi has been instrumental in bringing the current ideological status about, but it also points out Xi Jinping’s particularly “cordial ways”. All that along with a number of photos to underline the latter point. The following are excerpts from the article.

Main Link: “Xi Jinping chose the name Mingze for his daugher”

Xi Jinping has always regarded the people’s dream as his own dream. 43 years ago, he was sent to a village in northern Shaanxi as part of the educated youth sent to the countryside, being involved there for seven years. His first “official title” was that of a secretary of a “party cell” in a rural brigade. In 2007, experienced and toughened by many years of grassroots work and local work, he became a permanent member of the standing committee of the politburo, in charge of the Secretariat of the Central Committee, and also director of the party school. Soon afterwards, he became the vice chairman of the People’s Republic of China, and deputy chairman of the Central Military Commission. During the past five years, he has been part of the decisionmaking of the party and the state, and the decisionmaking, organizing and implementation of major policies.

习近平始终把人民的梦想作为自己的梦想。43年前,他曾作为知青到陕北农村插队,一干就是7年,他的第一个“官衔”,是构成中共组织体系“细胞”的大队 (行政村)党支部书记。2007年,经过多年基层和地方工作历练的习近平,当选中共中央政治局常委,担任中央书记处书记,兼任中央党校校长。他随后担任了 中华人民共和国副主席和中央军委副主席。5年来,他直接参与党和国家大政方针的研究制定,参与中央重大决策部署的组织实施。


He repeatedly emphasized that the party must manage the party, and rule it strictly. On November 17, on the first study meeting of the 18th Politburo, he profoundly pointed out that “things must not get rotten to get infested by worms. A multitude of facts are telling us: if corruption becomes more and more intense, it will, in the end, make the party and the country perhish! We must be vigilant!



There is an indissoluble bond between Xi Jinping and the troops. Early on, he worked at the General Office of the Central Military Commission for three years, and feelings between him and the troops remained deep afterwards. When he served [as a cadre, party secretary etc.] in the regions [and provinces], he served as the country armed forces first political commissar, municipal (regional) military committee first party secretary, the Provincial artillery Reserve Division first commissar, the Party committee of province military region first secretary and and the military region’s Military national defense mobilization committee, and he therefore fully understands the situation of the troops. He supports the army [literally: holds it in his arms], loves the military, and actively helps the troops to solve many practical problems. Having served as the deputy Central Military Commission’s chairman, he actively participated in the leadership work of building the military. At the 18th plenary session of the CCP’s Central Committee, he assumed the chairmanship of the CCP Central Military Commission.

习近平和军队有着不解之缘。早年他曾在中央军委办公厅工作过3年,与军队结下了深厚感情;在地方任职时,他先后担任过县人民武装部第一政委、市(地)军分 区党委第一书记、省高炮预备役师第一政委、省军区党委第一书记和大军区国防动员委员会领导等军队职务,十分熟悉军队情况。他拥军、爱军,积极帮助军队解决 了许多实际困难。出任中央军委副主席后,他积极参与国防和军队建设的领导工作。在中共十八届一中全会上,他接任中共中央军委主席。

"The People's Liberation Army is the School of the Mao Zedong Thought", cultural revolution poster. Fair-use Wikimedia Commons, click link for description.

“The People’s Liberation Army is the School of the Mao Zedong Thought”, cultural revolution poster. Fair-use Wikimedia Commons, click link for description.

Xi Jinping is tied to Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Aomen. Seventeen years of working experience in Fujian Province have led him to deeply understand Taiwan and cross-strait relations. Under his watch, Xiamen built the first mainland [literally: hinterland, 内地] Taiwan trading guild hall, Fuzhou built the first industrial village with mainly Taiwan-invested companies. He did great things in removing worries and problems of Taiwanese compatriots, and many Taiwanese compatriots regard him as a good friend.


Besides linking Xi to every ideological decision of the past decades, the article also tries to emphasize roles he played in most or every major event of the past decades, including the Olympic Games in Beijing, farming, or biogas promotion.

And, as has to be the case with any model soldier or cadre, villagers accompanied their educated-youth champion when he left the countryside in 1975, after his six rural years, with “very many of them in tears” (很多人不舍地哭了). Xi had been recommended to Tsinghua University to study there.

That’s only from the first page of the article, and by no means a full translation or account of it. The article reads as if a third person had written Xi’s cv and an application letter to the people, for Xi to assume the top posts in the party and the state. And of course, Shenzhen Special Economic Zone Daily has an additional reason to sing Xi Jinping’s praise. After all, his first inspection tour in his new capacity as the CCP’s general secretary took him to Shenzhen.



» The Latest about Xi Jinping Pingping, Dec 14, 2012

Thursday, December 6, 2012

Style of Work: [edited] – a political issue, in essence

The CCP “revised and (re)adopted” its “constitution” on November 14 this year, at its 18th national congress. The “constitution’s” General Program, its Chapter VI (on party cadres), and its Chapter VIII (article 44) contain references to the CCP’s or the cadres’ “style of work”.

It’s a practical issue, as aloft or quixotic it may sound. This document from the ministry of railways about strengthening supervision on bid invitation and submission, project quality supervision, investment control and fund supervision may give us an idea.

Like most things in the CCP’s slogan threadmill, the issue (or the term, anyway) isn’t exactly new. When the Party School opened in 1942, Mao Zedong told those in attendance that there must be a revolutionary party because the world contains enemies who oppress the people and the people want to throw off enemy oppression. It was a fact that there is something in the minds of a number of our comrades which strikes one as not quite right, not quite proper. In short, the malady of subjectivism. And the style of study and the style of writing are also the Party’s style of work.

What was opposed to Marxism-Leninism and is incompatible with the Communist Party then isn’t exactly what is “opposed” to it today. In fact, Mao would probably order summary execution – or a pristine collective brainwash – for the 18th Central Committee today, if he rose from his preserving jar on Tian An Men Square. But as concepts of power, and as concepts of “closely connecting to the people”, many of the slogans (and, to some extent, the methodology) are still with us. And who could say that the theories had become aimless?

People’s Daily (人民日报) published an article on the new politbureau and on the “style of work” on Wednesday.

Main Link: Rectifying the party’s style by means of style of work; winning the people’s hearts by the party’s style (以作风正党风 以党风赢民心)

Links within blockquote added during translation.

The realistic and pragmatic image of an emerging new central leadership collecive has been followed with attention by society, and praised from many walks of life. On December 4, the politburo held a meeting and agreed to “improve the style of work”, and to the eight specific measures of “connecting closely to the people”, to travel with light luggage and few attendants and to arrive without pomp, to cut down the number of meetings to make them shorter, to make specifications for visits, to improve the style, etc., to continue to strengthen the new measures of style building. The central leading comrades should serve as examples, take the lead in setting examples, carry forward the party’s fine traditional work style, display the characters and morals of seeking truth in facts, conform to the masses’ expectations, and, by practical action display a new transformative style to the party, and to improve the party style’s call.


The leading cadres’ words and deeds, related to the party’s image and decided the party’s weight in the hearts of the people. From the “three important work styles”1) to the “two musts”2), from the “eight do’s” 3) to the four da-xing 4), for a long time, our party has always made the building of work style its lifeline, an important component in its construction. The masses have – exactly from the party’s fine styles of work, from the leading cadres’ unity of talk and action – felt the party’s goal of whole-heartedly serving the people, and derived the strength of united struggle, invincibly binding together the party’s and the people’s hearts.


Since the 16th CCP National Congress, our party has been unremittingly maintained efforts and achieved remarkable results in the building of work style. But the party’s style-building is a long-term task, and to answer the demands of the masses and to meet the requirements of the times, we still need to do a lot of work, to solve some outstanding issues. For example, meetings should attach more importance to quality, and speech should be clearer and more concise, work in public affairs should be more simple and practical, extravagance should be avoided in reception [of guests], and bureaucratism and formalism should be resolutely opposed. Leading cadres should keep asking themselves how to act on seeking truth in the facts, how to impart and inherit qualities of plainness in life and work, and how connecting closely to the people can be reflected [by the leading cadres]?


Leading cadres’ unity of talk and action are seen by the masses, and kept in mind. The issue of work style, in essence, is a political issue, embodying the common aspiration of the people. The eight measures (八项举措) issued by the central leading comrades to improve the style of work has set an example for us. All regions and departments, and especially all levels of leading cadres must deeply analyze the importance of improving style, start with themselves, take action from here, set examples by personal involvement, to unite strengths for the implementation of the spirit of the 18th National Congress, to use thoughts to solve important problems of reform and development, and to put energy on the safeguarding of the masses’ interests, to overcome difficulties in the people’s livelihood, to attain the people’s trust, consensus of opinion, to unitedly lead the entire country’s nationalities to unremitting efforts for the building of a moderately prosperous society.



1) In its political report, “On Coalition Government” (“Lun lianhe zhengfu”), delivered on 24 April 1945 at the 7th National Congress of the CCP, Mao said that his Party, armed with the ideological weapon of Marxism-Leninism, had formed three important styles of work – integrating theory with practice, forging close links with the masses, and practising self-criticism. (“Dictionary of the Political Thought of the People’s Republic of China”, Henry Yuhuai He, Armonk, New York, 2001).

2) The Two Musts were “to preserve modesty and prudence and to preserve the style of plain living and hard struggle”. They formed a key part of Mao’s professed, though unpractised, passion for peasant life. (Daily Telegraph, November 28, 2003

3) this (“eight do’s”?) may refer to the “eight honors”, but I’m not sure.

4) the si ge daxing were the style of close relations with the masses, realism and pragmatism, criticism and self-criticism and an embodiment of three styles – either first brought up or re-iterated at the 17th Central Committee’s Fourth Plenary Session.



» Role of (unobtrusive) Teachers, January 7, 2012
» Xi Jinping’s History Lesson, July 20, 2011


Tuesday, November 13, 2012

Huanqiu on HK Survey: It’s not as Bad as you Think

The following is a translation of a Huanqiu Shibao article. It is therefore a mainland Chinese reflection of a Hong Kong survey. I haven’t read the survey itself, or coverage on the survey from elsewhere.

The Huanqiu article has been republished by many Chinese websites, including Sina‘s edition for Taiwan, Enorth (Tianjin), and many other regional or local websites in China.

Main Link: Only 2.4 percent of Hong Kong’s post-1980s…

In cases where the Cantonese pronounciation of Hong Kongers’ names within the Huanqiu article weren’t easily available online, I used putonghua pronounciation in this translation.

Be more Liu Dehua: 让世界知道我们都是中国人

Be more Andy Lau: 让世界知道我们都是中国人 (click picture for video)

Links within blockquote added during translation.

Exchanges between Hong Kong and the hinterland become more and more frequent, but a recent survey finds that Hong Kongers see their “Hong Kong identity” with growing clarity. Among them, young respondents born after 1980 feel most strongly about their “Hong Kong identity”. Some Hong Kong media explain that the findings reflect “resistance against Chinese identity” among part of Hong Kongers, and a “low national identity”. However, Anthony Y. H. Fung [Feng Yingqian], head of the Chinese University’s School of Journalism and Communication, and in charge of the survey, told a “Huanqiu Shibao” reporter on Monday that there was no contradiction between “Hong Kong identity” and “national identity”, that while the survey showed a Hong Kong “awareness of their native land”, it also showed that pride in the national flag, the national anthem or the People’s Liberation Army and other national symbols had also risen.


According to a Hong Kong’s “Oriental Daily” report on Monday, the Chinese University’s SChool of Communication and a polling agency carried out a telephone survey last month, with 819 Hong Kongers as respondents. One question asked the respondents to tell to which category of people they belonged, with “Chinese people”, “Hong Kong people”, “Hong Kong people, but also Chinese people” and “Chinese people, but also Hong Kong people” to choose from. The survey found that 42 percent of the respondents chose that they were “Hong Kong people, but also Chinese people”, a small drop from two years ago, when the number was 44 percent. 23 percent chose the purely “Hong Kong people” identity. 22 percent said they were “Chinese, but also Hong Kong people”, and 12 percent felt that they were purely “Chinese people”, a new low after Hong Kong’s 1997 return. The survey divided respondents into those who were thirty years old or younger, the “post-1980s”, and those older than that. The results tell that the “post-1980s” don’t greatly identify with the “Chinese people identity”, with only 2.4 percent choosing “Chinese people”, while the share of older respondents identified with the “Chinese people” option by 15.9 percent.



The findings triggered controversy in Hong Kong’s public opinion. Hong Kong SAR’s Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference member Lew Mon-hung [Liu Mengxiong] said this was related to the SAR government only caring about peoples-livelihood issues and not doing everything to refute “Hong Kong independence” talk. He believes that recently, many determined people repeatedly waved “Union-Jack” flags and seized the opportunity of hyping “Hong Kong independence” thoughts, and the SAR government hadn’t refuted them. This could only lead to further political difficulties. Xu Huajie, Hong Kong United Youth Association advisor and China Im- and Export Chamber of Commerce deputy director, said that if Hong Kong’s young people resisted the hinterland for political reasons, they would lose many opportunities to develop in their working lives. But Basic Law Committee member Liu Naiqiang describes public opinion “as a cloud”, and believfes that it is difficult to rely only on the polls to assess trends in public opinion. Hong Kong University of Science and Technology economic faculty director Francis Lui [雷鼎鸣] says that this survey by the Chinese University “has problems”, because they offered no “Hong Konger, but no Chinese” choice. This would have been necessary to really measure Hong Kongers’ “national identy” identification.


Anthony Y. H. Fung, in charge of the survey, told “Huanqiu Shibao” that there was no contradiction between “Hong Kong identity” and “Chinese identity”. Although the survey had shown the “Hong Kong identity” ever more clearly, it also showed that during the past ten years, Hong Kongers’ feelings of pride for national symbols like the national flag, the national anthem, or the PLA had also risen. From only 30.6 percent of Hong Kongers feeling proud of the national flag in 1996, their share was now 37.6 percent, and while only ten percent felt good about the PLA in 1996, their share was now 21.5 percent.


Fung believes that the stronger “Hong Kong identitification” had grown because of discussions in recent years, having everyone considering their identity issues. As for the “post-1980s” leaning towards “Hong Kong identity”, this was because of the Hong Kong government’s promotion of [unsafe translation: lessons in line with hinterland lessons, encouraging independent thinking, and the young generation wanting to participate in public matters and deliberations about identity issues]. He said: “if the survey was carried out during the Olympics or during National Day, I believe Hong Kongers’ identification with the nation would be stronger”.


As for the talk about “Hong Kong independence”, Fung said that the share of respondents who said they were “Hong Kongers, but also Chinese” showed that support for “Hong Kong independence” was very small. In fact, almost sixty percent of respondents had said that they travelled to mainland China every two months or even more frequently, which reflected that Hong Kongers believed that contact with the hinterland had become an unstoppable trend.




» Patriotic Classes only Optional, BBC, Sep 8, 2012
» A Sense of Affection, July 30, 2012
» If you can’t govern a village, Dec 16, 2011


Saturday, October 6, 2012

The Ministry of Agriculture accounts to the People

Xinhua, via Enorth (Tianjin), October 6, 2012

The Ministry of Agriculture said on Saturday that during the Mid-Autumn festival, Chinese fishery patrol vessels continue to protect the fishing rights at the Diaoyu Islands at the frontline. Since the opening of the fishing season in September in the East China Sea, the fishery patrol troops have patroled this part of the sea area for the second time.


As the Mid-Autumn festival has just passed, and this year’s 17th typhoon “Jelawat” has weakened, fishing crews from Fujian and Zhejiang have, in accordance with their historical customs, continued their work in their traditional fishing grounds. In order to protect the fishing crews’ lives and property, the order of their operations on the seas, and to strengthen the management of fishing resources, our fishery patrol vessels, braving the tide and sky, carried out their routine patrol responsibilities, and in accordance with the law, carried out their sacred duty of protecting the fishing rights.


Five vessels with crew experienced in law enforcement and protection of fishing rights carried this operation out. They forwent the opportunity of staying with their families, without complaints or regrets, they protected the Diaoyu Islands waters, and maintained and controlled the order of fishing operations in these traditional fishing grounds. The formation of vessels, braving the tide and sky, successfully visited three Zhejiang fishing vessels, guided safe processing operations, and also observed many fishing vessels’ operations situation, to actively help vessels in trouble. The fishing crews expressed their welcome and thanks for the patrol crews who overcame adverse weather conditions, complicated maritime conditions and sudden difficulties to maintain the rights of the fishing crews and to provide service. The fishing crews also hoped that the state would continue to intensify its efforts to protect them, to help them to be more at ease during their work at their traditional fishing grounds.


The Chinese fishery administration began the normalization [in the sense of regular operations] of patrols at the Diaoyu Islands and adjacent waters in 2010, all the administration’s employees fulfilled their mission, let nobody down, fulfilled their duties, protected the country’s sovereignty and naval rights, and protected the lives and property of numerous fishing crews.




» Senkaku



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